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Full text of "Kett's rebellion in Norfolk : being a history of the great civil commotion that occurred at the time of the reformation, in the reign of Edward VI. Founded on the "Commoyson in Norfork, 1549""

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IN sending forth this " History of Kett's Rebellion" to the 
public, I am anxious to state briefly the object I had in view in 
preparing it for the press, and rny reason for undertaking the task. 

In the first place, then, I may confess to my readers, that the 
old ruin, overlooking Norwich, called to this day KETT'S CASTLE, now 
covered with ivy, has from childhood been to me an object of the 
deepest interest, and eagerly did I, in years gone by, collect all the 
information I could glean tending to throw any light upon the 
REBELLION, with which, in name at least, it was so closely connected ; 
and here I might mention the especial events on which my youthful 
imagination loved to dwell, of which the Castle was the scene, and 
Kett the hero : but, omitting this, I have no hesitation in stating 
that, as time rolled on, these feelings gained strength, and the more 
I searched into such records of these transactions as were accessible, 
the more interesting did the information become to me, until at last 
I formed the project of preparing a work upon the subject, to con- 
sist chiefly of a translation (the agreement of the various histories 
extant pointing to it as their common origin) of Nevylle's " De 
Furoribus Norfolciensium." 

Very fortunately, however, when this was nearly completed, I 
obtained access to the various documents preserved at the State. 
Paper Office, the Rolls House and Rolls Chapel, the Privy Council 


Office, the Norwich Records, the almost boundless stores of the 
British Museum, and to other reliable sources of information. I 
then resolved to undertake a work, a labour of love to me, in 
which it should be my endeavour to collect and arrange as full and 
detailed a narrative as could be compiled, of the events of that stirring 
period in our English history, in which Kett and his followers played 
a by no means unimportant part. 

Though retaining the word " Rebellion," my impression soon 
was that Kctt's great misfortune had been to live before his time ; 
that his efforts and those of his truest followers had been directed, 
not so much against the State, as against the feudal system, with 
its manifold extortions ; that their conviction was, while the lower 
classes owed a duty to the higher, the latter owed a duty also to 
them ; and though there was Scripture authority for rulers, good 
or evil, to exact obedience, an authority of which " the powers that 
were" readily availed themselves, yet the sturdy common sense 
of these Norfolk people refused to accept any such interpretation 
of Scripture, as warranted the few in oppressing the many, as 
sanctioned man's holding his fellow-men in slavery, and gave up 
" man and his sequels " (all he was and all he had) to the arbitrary 
will of any lord or ruler upon earth ! And feeling this, I was anxious, 
as far as lay in my power, to set forth this Rising in its true light, 
and to show, though Kett is commonly considered a rebel, yet the 
cause he advocated was so just, that one cannot but feel he deserved 
a better name and better fate. 

These, then, were my reasons for compiling this book, to which 
I have devoted such leisure as my professional engagements have 
afforded me during the past nine years ; and I would humbly trust 
that my efforts to elucidate a very interesting portion of our history 
may not prove altogether in vain. I am aware that my work may, 
at first sight, seem to be acceptable only to the antiquarian and 
the historian ; but I venture to hope that something may be found in 
its pages attractive even to the general reader. 


In conclusion, I would beg to tender my heartfelt and grateful 
thanks to the many kind friends who have so readily afforded me 
assistance, and especially to Sir John P. Boileau, Bart., the Revs. John 
Thomas, D.C.L., Jos. Grisdale and Alexander Braddell ; the late 
Dawson Turner, F.S.A. ; Goddard Johnson, Henry Harrod, F.S.A., 
W. T. Elliott, G. A. Carthew, F.S.A., Daniel Gurney, E.S.A., C. H. 
Cooper, F.S.A., William Peckover, E.S.A., Charles J. Palmer, F.S.A., 
W. C. Ewing, and G. W. .W. Minns, Esqrs. ; also to the gentlemen 
connected with the various public offices at which I have been a 
literary searcher. For the illustrations I am indebted to Miss H. 
Louisa Grover, J. B/ichardson Jackson, Esq., and to Messrs. Negretti 
and Zambra, by whom the photographs have been executed. I would 
also tender my best thanks to those subscribers by whose kindness 
I have been encouraged to send forth this work ; while, lastly, I 
wish thus publicly to own the obligation under which I feel to 
Mr. William Penny for, in the first place, the great care and 
attention he has bestowed on the printing of the work ; and secondly, 
for the liberal arrangements he has made, by which I have been 
enabled to publish it. 




State of Norfolk during the latter part of the reign of Henry VIII 1 

Measures adopted during the early part of the Reign of Edward VI. to check the 

Insurrectionary spirit of the times 10 


THE first outbreak, at Attleborotigh, p. 21. Complaints, p. 21-24. Gathering at 
Wyniondham, July 6th, p. 25. Somerset's Proclamation, p. 25. Serjeant Flowerdew, 
p. 26. Kett throws open his own Enclosure, and becomes the people's Loader, p. 27- 
29. Kett throws open Flowerdew's Enclosure at Hetherset, p. 29. Kett crosses the 
river at Cringleford, July 10th, and spends the night at Bowthorpe, p. 30. The Town 
Close thrown open, July 9th, p. 31. Thomas Codd, Mayor, sends letters to the King's 
Council and to others, p. 32. He upbraids the rebels, p. 33. Sir Roger Wodehouse, 
July llth, brings provisions to them, p. 35. They reach Household July 12tb, p. 36. 
Thomas Coniers is appointed chaplain, p. 38. Robert Watson (p. 38), Thomas Codd, 
and Thomas Aldrich are compelled to join Kett, p. 40. Camp at Rising Chase, p. 40. 
Disturbances at Cambridge, p. 41. Disturbances in Suffolk, p. 42. Letter from the 
Council to the Lady Mary, p. 42. Her reply, p. 43. Extracts from Privy Council Register 
relating to Suffolk, pp. 45, 46. Attack on Yarmouth, p. 46. Kett's Warrants, p. 47. 

b 2 


His List of Grievances, p. 48-56. Mistaken views of Godwin, Heylin, and Lingard, 
pp. 56, 57. The King's answer, pp. 58, 59. Brought with a general pardon by York 
Herald at Arms, p. 59 and 73-75. The Oak of Reformation, p. 61. Dr. Parker visits the 
camp and preaches, p. 62-65. The City Treasury, p. 67. The Rebels' Camp, p. 68-72. 
Sir Edmund Knyvett, p. 72. York Herald at Arms arrives, p. 73-75. Preparations 
for defence, p. 75-78. Codd refuses the rebels peace and truce, p. 79. They attack 
the City, p. 80-83. The Mayor is set at liberty, p. 85. Augustine Steward is appointed 
deputy, p. 85. The Marquis of Northampton arrives at Norwich, p. 87-94. A general 
pardon offered, p. 95. The battle on St. Martin's Palace Plain, August 1st, p. 97. 
Death of Lord Sheffield, p. 97. The Marquis and his army leave the City, p. 98. Sir 
John Cheeke, p. 99-102. Unsuccessful attempt to win over Yarmouth, p. 107-112. 
Depositions taken at Colchester, p. 113. The Duke of Somerset appointed to go against 
the rebels, pp. 114, 115 ; but afterwards the Earl of Warwick, p. 116. He wishes 
Northampton to accompany him, pp. 117, 118. He arrives at Cambridge, p. 121 ; where 
he is joined by certain Aldermen and others from Norwich, p. 122. He arrives at 
Wymondham, August 22nd, and at Intwood, August 23rd, p. 123. Norroy King at 
Arms rides through the City, and again offers pardon, which is rejected, p. 124-130. 
Kett is anxious to see Warwick, p. 130. An entrance forced at Brazen-doors, p. 131. 
Warwick and his troops enter the City, p. 132. The ammunition carts pass through the 
City and fall into the rebels' hands, but are partly recovered, pp. 133, 134. Skirmish on 
St. Andrew's Plain, p. 135. Fire at the Common Staithe, &c., p. 138. Warwick vows 
never to abandon the City, p. 139. A snake springs into the bosom of Kett's wife, 
p. 142. Prophecies, pp. 142, 143. The rebels repair to Dussinsdale, p. 143. They place 
their prisoners in the front, chained together, p. 145. Kett flees, p. 146. The rebels 
are beaten, and yield on receiving Warwick's promise of pardon, p. 146-148. Record 
of some of the slain, p. 149. Apprehension of Kett, and execution of the rebels, p. 150. 
Public Thanksgiving, p. 151 ; to be annually repeated, pp. 154, 155. Rewards for the 
apprehension of Kett, and bringing him to London, p. 156. The trial of the Ketts, 
p. 158-160. Their execution, p. 161. Sympathy for Kett, p. 162. Kett's property, 
and grant of it to Thomas Audeley, p. 164. Cost of the Rebellions in Norfolk, Devon, 
and Cornwall, p. 165. The results of Kett's Rebellion, p. 165. 



A COMMANDMENT to the Commons (Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer), 
p. 169. " Coraplayntes at the Insurrection" (Annals of Cambridge, by C. H. Cooper, 
Esq., F.S.A.), p. 170. Sir Tho. Darcy and Sir John Gates to Cecill (State Paper 
Office Domestic Edward VI., vol. viii. No. 24), p. 172. Extract from Froissart's 
Chronicles, p. 173. The Family of Kett ; Daniel Gurney's Record of the House of 
Gournay, p. 174. Priory of St. Leonard at Norwich (Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. iv. 
p. 662), p. 178. Memorials of Thomas Codde, p. 180. Extrgctajrom the A ccoinpts of 
the Township of Elmham, p. 181. Extracts from the Accompts of the City Chamberlain, 
p. 184. Letter of Somerset to the Vice-Chancellor and Mayor of Cambridge (Annals of 
Cambridge, by C. H. Cooper, Esq., F.S.A.), p. 197. Letter of Somerset to Cecil (id.), 
p. 198. The Devonshire Eising (Heylin's History of the Reformation), p. 199. Letter 
of Sir Anthony Auchar to Cecill (State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI., vol. viii. 
No. 56), p. 202. Kett's Govemours; with additional explanations, p. 203. Extract from 
the Norwich Boll, p. 206. Letter of Edmund Sheffeld to Mr. Candyshe (Treasury of 
the Receipt of the Exchequer), p. 206. Extracts from the Privy Council Register, p. 207. 
Sir Nicholas Lestraunge : his defence (State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. 
vol. viii. No. 60), p. 209. Somerset to Sir Philip Hoby (Harl. MSS. No. 523, fo. 536), 
p. 213, Special Commission of Oyer and Terminer for the trial of the Ketts and others, 
p. 215. List of the Jury, p. 217. Precept to the Constable of the Tower to bring up 
the bodies of Robert and "William Kett, p. 218. Indictment found against Robert Kett, 
p. 220. Indictment found against William Kett, p. 224. The sentence passed upon 
them, p. 226. Inquisitio post mortem, p. 228. Grant of Kett's manors to Thomas 
Audeley, p. 236. 



FRONTISPIECE Kett under the Oak, assuming regal authority see 61 

(Photographed from an old Engraving by Negretti & Zambra.) 


K/KTT'S OAK AT HETHEESETT, under which he stood when addressing his 

followers 30 

KETT' s CASTLE, formerly the Chapel of St. Michael on the Mount (App. F) 37 



ArousTiXE STEWARD'S MARK, on his house on Tombland &5 

ATHUJSTINE STEWARD, from the Painting in St. Andrew's Hall, Norwich 89 

PLATE containing 

a. Two "lede pyllets," in the Norwich Museum -s 


b. The Sheffield Stone, on St. Martin's Palace Plain j 

. I- 7 

c. Signatures of Kett, Aldrich, and Codd, appended to the List of j 

Grievances J 

NORWICH CEOSS in 1732 132 

(Photographed from an old Engraving by Negretti & Zambra.) 




IT is my intention in the following pages to give an account 
of certain commotions that occurred in Norfolk in the time of 
Edward VI., in the year 1549. 

The reign of Henry VIII. was one well calculated to engender 
strong feelings of discontent, feelings, which, though repressed by 
the harsh and violent character of the king, could not be kept down 
when his amiable and gentle son sat upon the throne. It is very 
true, as is observed by Sir John Hayward, 1 that "the goods and 
lands," which had been church property, " being sold at a low value, 
enriched many and ennobled some, and thereby made them firm 
in maintaining the changes " that had been introduced ; but others, 
who either were not, or could not be, thus influenced, felt deeply 
and acutely what had taken place. The Duke of Somerset, 2 in a 
letter to Sir Philip Hoby, minister at the court of Charles V. (August 
24th, 1549), says : " The causes and pretences of these uproars and 
risings are divers and uncertain, and so full of variety in every camp, 
as they call them, that it is hard to write what it is, as ye know is 
like to be of people without head and rule, and that would have they 
wot not what. Some crieth, ' Pluck down enclosures and parks.' 
Some, for their commons. Other pretendeth religion. A number 
would rule another while, and direct things as gentlemen have done." 

1 Life of Edward VI. 2 Harl. MSS. No. 523. 


Such was Somerset's view formed in the midst of these troubles : 
the following may be alleged as the causes which produced them. 

The suppression of the religious houses, and consequent cessation 
of that hospitality and charity which " provided to many a relief from 
the extreme pressure of want and necessity;" 1 the change of land- 
lords, with increased rents and greater difficulty in finding a market 
for commodities ; and the enclosure of lands, wholly or partially 
common, on a large scale, by the nobility and gentry, without re- 
gard to the rights of others : these, the immediate results of 
Henry's seizure and alienation of church property, together with 
the depreciation of the currency ; the consequent advance in the 
price of all the necessaries of life, while wages remained fixed ; ~ 
the diminution of the demand for labour by reason of the increased 
value of wool, which caused arable land to be turned into pasture, so 
that " whole estates 3 were laid waste by enclosures," i. e. thrown out 
of tillage and turned into pasture, " while the tenants, regarded as a 
useless burden, were expelled their habitations ; and the cottagers, 
deprived of the commons on which they formerly fed their cattle, 
were reduced to misery ; " the vexations to which the middle class 
were subjected by the king's purveyors, 4 and the sufferings caused 
by the scarcity that prevailed, which was generally supposed 5 to be 
still further aggravated by the forestallers, ingrossers, and regraters 
of the day : these temporal grievances, joined with the spiritual ones 

1 Hume. ^ By 25 Edw. III. stat. 1, c. 14. 

3 Hume : '' Your sheep may be said now to devour men, and unpeople not only 
villages but towns." Sir Thomas More's Utopia. 

4 " The purveyor alloweth for a lamb worth two shylynges but xij^., for a capon 
worth xijrf. six pens, and so after that rate: so that after that rate ther is not the poorest 
man that hathe any thyng to sell but he loseth half in the price, besides tariyng for his 
money, which somtyme he hathe after longsuyteto the officeres and great coste suyng for 
it, and many tymes he never hathe it : so that he is dryven to recover his losses by 
sellyng deerer to the kynges subjects." State Paper Office Domestic Edw. VI. 
vol. v. 20. 

See Archseologia, vol. viii., for an interesting article on purveyors. 
8 But wrongly, since these people were the best friends to the country, in scarcity 
diminishing consumption early, or worse famine would have ensued eventually. 


springing from Henry's proceedings in matters of religion, gave rise 
to feelings of discontent, which displayed themselves sometimes in 
angry speeches against the king, 1 and at other times in popular 
outbreaks, that began in Lincolnshire in 1536, and, spreading by 
degrees into various counties, may be considered as having ended, at 
least for a time, in 1568. While in addition to the above, or rather 
lying at their very root, and giving them whatever vitality they had 
as grievances, lay that sense of the oppressions of the feudal system, 
which years, the many years it had existed in the land, instead of 
removing, had only tended to drive down the more deeply into the 
hearts of the people. 

These disturbances fall under the following heads : 

1. Religion : the principal, omitting the less important, were 

a. The Lincolnshire rising ; followed by 

b. Aske's Rebellion, 2 or the Pilgrimage for Grace to 

the Commonwealth, in 1536 ; 

c. The Devonshire rising in 1549 ; and 

d. The insurrection of the Northern Earls in 1568 : 
and 2. Enclosures : to which may be attributed that which is 

the subject of the following pages ; viz. Kett's Rebellion 
in Norfolk. 3 

1 Many instances might be given from documents in the treasury of the Receipt of 
the Exchequer. 

2 See Appendix (A), for " A commandement to the Commons ; " my authority for 
thus naming this rising. 

3 Dr. Lingard, who seems to have relied on Godwin's Annals and Heylin's 
History of the Eeformation, takes a different view, and mentions as one of Kett's 
complaints, " that a new service had been forced on the people in opposition to the con- 
viction of their consciences." My authorities are the Lady Mary, Kett himself, and 
Eapin, from whose united testimony I have arrived at the conclusion that this rebellion 
had nothing, except in point of time, in common with the religious commotions of the 
period, but was purely a civil rising to obtain, by force of arms, redress for social grievances. 
Thus, we find the Lady Mary, in a letter to the Protector, July 20th, 1549, written from 
Kenninghall, Norfolk, in answer to the charge that " her proceedings in matters of 
religion had given no small courage to many of those men to require and to do as they 
did," says, " That appeared to be most untrue, for that all the rising about the parts 
where she was, was touching no part of religion. " Strype's Mem. Eccles. vol. ii. pt. i. c. xxi.' 

This assertion is fully borne out by Kett's List of Grievances, in which nothing 

B 2 


The disturbed state of Lincolnshire and the North became known 
in Norfolk towards the end of 1536, 1 the tidings first reaching Lynn, 
and from thence being carried to Norwich by Richard Fletcher, the 
keeper of the city gaol, and to Walsingham by certain Cornish soldiers 
going thither on pilgrimage. 

Early the following year l Sir Nicholas Myleham, canon and sub- 
prior of Walsingham, together with George Gysborough and several 
others, attempted to " procure and make an insurrection." They 
intended to collect as many persons as would join them, to fire the 
beacons, and, having raised the country, to set forth toward the north, 
marching twenty miles a day ; and the reason given for their thus 
rising was, " They thought it very evil done for the suppressing of so 
many religious houses, where God was well served, and many other 
good deeds of charity done;" 2 and that an insurrection would prove a 

is said about " the old religion." " Priests," " proprietary parsons," &c., are mentioned, 
but so as to show that the Norfolk laity were dissatisfied with the way in which they dis- 
charged their duties, rather than with the new doctrines they were teaching ; while, from 
the boldness with which, at this very time, the reactionary spirit was manifesting itself in 
Devonshire, there is every reason to believe, that no fear of consequences would have 
restrained the people of Norfolk from displaying the same, had they been of the like 
disposition. Eapin says they called the old oak, ' The Oak of Eeformatiou, * * 
because these talked only of reforming the state, religion being neither the cause nor 
pretence of their rising." 

1 Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer. 

2 " If any poor Householder had lacked Seed to sow his land, or Bread Corn, or Malt, 
before Harvest, and come to a Monastery either of Men or Women, he should not have 
gone away without Help : for he should have had it untill Harvest, that he might easily 
have paid it again. Yea, if he had made his Moan for an Ox, Horse, or Cow, he might 
have had it upon his Credit : and such was y e good Conscience of y e Borrowers in those 
Dayes, that y e Thing borrowed needed not to have been asked at the Day of Payment. 

" They never raised any Eent, or took any Incomes or Grarsomes [i.e. Fines] of their 
Tenants ; nor ever took in or improved any Comous ; altho' the most Part and y e greatest 
wast grounds belonged to their Possessions. 

" If any poor People had made their Mone at their Day of Marriage to any Abbey, 
they should have had Money given them to their great Help. And thus all sort of people 
were helped and succoured by Abbeys : yea, happy was that Person that was Tenant to 
an Abbey ; for it was a rare thing to hear that any Tenant was removed by taking his 
Farm over his head ; nor he was not afraid of any Ee-entry for not Payment of his Itent, 
if necessity drove him thereunto." Cole's MSS. vol. xii. p. 8. 


remedy for the " moche penery and scarsenes " that prevailed. Their 
designs were communicated by John Galant of Letheringset to Sir 
John Heydon, hy whose exertions, and those of Sir Roger Townshend, 
the conspiracy was suppressed, and the ringleaders executed 1 at 
Norwich. A woman at Aylsham, 2 named Elizabeth Wood, who 
sympathized with them, was arrested for saying, in the hearing of 
John Dix, while resting upon his shop window, " It was pitie that 
these Walsingham men war discovered, for we shall never have good 
worlde till we fall togither by the earys : 

" And with clubbes and clowted shone 
Shall the dede be done: a 

for we had never good worlde synnes this kinge rayned." Sir John 
Heydon, in his letter to " Master Richard Gresham," to whom he 
sent an account of his examination of her, that the matter might be 
brought before the notice of "myLorde Privy Seale," calls her words 
"detestable and trayterous," and herself "an ongracyous woman." 

1 Thomas Colles, a prisoner, in his examination, preserved iu the Treas. of Ree. of 
Exchequer, mentions two of them, viz., Mileham and Eogorson, as going " oute of the 
Casthill to execution;" and another prisoner, Jamea Byggis, " hard Rogerson say that he 
wold accuse " two other persons " for safe garde of his lyff, and then Mylem and Gisborough 
said, ' Yt were but ffooly, seyng we must nedea dye, to put eny moo to troblo." The 
following, from the Household Expenses of the Lestranges, of Hunstanton, relates most 
probably to the execution of these men : 

Itm p d the xxvij th day of May to John Man and 
other at Norwiche at the execucon of the Traytors 

for suche things as was bought for you there -- xlij iij 

Archasol. xxv. p. 511. 

" I have seen a written note that says, ' This yer was Half Rogers, and George 
Gysborrow, the Sub-Prior of Whalsyngham [Sir Nicholas Mileham was sub-prior] with 
others, to the number of 15, condemned of treson, whereof 5 suffered. ' ' Blomefield's 
Norfolk Walsingham. 

2 Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer. 

;t See Second Part of Henry VI. iv. 2 ; where Shakspeare represents Jack Cade as 
saving : 

" We will not leave one lord, one gentleman : 
Spare none, but such as go in clouted shoon, 
For they are thrifty" 


Such mention is made of Household Heath at this time as shows 
that it was thought likely to prove the scene of important events ; for 
a prophecy was in circulation that said " There shulde lande at 
Walborne hope l the prowdest prynce in all Cristendome, and so shall 
come to Moshold heethe, and there shuld mete with other ij kinges, 
and shall fyght and shalbe put down : and the whyte lyon shuld 
optayne " [the mastery]. The person, Richard Bishop, who took some 
pains to make the above prophecy known, thus describes the state of 
suspicion in which he and others were living : " We are used under 
suche fassyon now a dais as it hathe not ben sene, for if iij or iiij of us 
l)e communyng together, the constables woll esamyne what corn- 
rnunycacion [it is we are having], and stokke us 2 if we woll not tell 
theym : gudd fellowes wold not be so used longe if one wold be trew 
to another." And then he said, " My thynketh ye seame to be an 
honest man," addressing Robert Seaman, who afterwards informed 
against him ; " such a one as a man may trust to open his mynd unto : 
and if that ij men have communycacion togither, a man may go back 
at his word as longe as no thyrd man ys ther : iij may kepe counsell 
if ij be away." 3 

1 The Danes are said to have landed at Weybourne Hope in their invasions (Blome- 
.field's Norfolk) : and the old rhyme is still remembered in the county, 

" He that would -England win, 

Must at Weybourne Hope begin : " 

a propbecy so fully believed at the commencement of this century, that it was generally 
thought in Norfolk, if Napoleon invaded England, he would do so at this point. 

2 I. e. " put us in the stocks." 

3 " And lykewyse the commynalte 
Apply themselfes ryght mervelously 
To lerne crafte and subtilite 

Ther neybours to begyle : 
The sister will hegile the brother, 
The child will begyle the mother ; 
And thus one will not trust another, 

Tff this world last awhyle." 

"From a Poem entitled " Now a dayes," Lambeth Library, MSS. No. 159, p. 261, 
written probably in 1540. 

There is a very interesting paper on the above prophecy, in the Norfolk Archaeology, 
vol. i. p. 209. 


The same year, 1 at Old Buckenham, Hugh Wilkinson made this 
proposition to John Browne, a cooper, and to John Lok, a servant, as 
they were riding homeward : " Lette us go home, for now are the 
vysitours in puttyng downe of our hous. 2 And if ye woll do after me, 
I have here an Aungell noble in my pursse that never dyd me good, 
and that shall ye have bytwene yowe, if ye woll comme in the evenyng 
and kyll theym in ther beddes, ffor I knowe the getes * of every dore, so 
that I shall lette yowe into every chamber. And whenne ye have donne 
yowe may sone be out of the waye, for the wood is at hannde. And 
whenne they be in ther beddes ye shalbe sewer that they have no 
wepon at handde to defendde theym selffes with all. And if I hack! 
no mor to loose thenne one of yowe hath, it shuld be the ffuvst deade 
I shuld do. And they denyed to doit, and saide they wold notmedell." 
" Marry," quoth John Parker of Buckenham, when he heard of the 
above, "it was perilously spoken of hym." 

The same year * certain persons at Fincham were anxious to raise 
the commons by ringing the bells in every town. One of them, 
Thomas Stylton, was accused of saying, " It were a good dede that 
the Comynalte shuld ryse here as they cled ther ; for they ded ryse 
for the Common Welth, and yf yee had ben ther as I was," i. e. in 
Yorkshire, where he had served as a soldier, " ye shuld have hard 
that they rose for the Wele of the Comynalte." Their wish was that 
Mr. Fincham, of Fincham, should join them, and if he would not, 
"they would make a Carte wey betwext his bed and hys shulders;" 
and next, that " the halydays that wer putte down, shuld " be 
" restoryd ageyn," which, they believed, would have been the case, if 
the Yorkshire rising had succeeded, as they wished it had done. 
With regard to this restoration of the holidays, it is only right to 
state that, though the men of Fincham were desirous of retaining 
them, others were of a different opinion, as appears from a " Petition 
to the King in Parliament," * in which it is stated : 

1 Treasury of the Beceipt of the Exchequer. -' Old Buckenham Abbey. 

' I. e. " the go" of every door, or " how each door goes." 
4 Treasury of the Eeeeipt of the Exchequer. 




"Whereas there is a great number of holy days, which now at 
this present time with very small devotion be solemnized and kept 
throughout this your realm, upon the which many great, abominable, 
and execrable vices be used and practised : if it may stand with your 
gracious pleasure, and especially " in the case of " such as fall in the 
harvest," we pray that they " might by your Majesty, by the advice of 
your most honourable Council, Prelates, and Ordinaries, be made fewer 
in number : and " we trust that " those that shall hereafter be ordained 
to stand and continue might, and may, be the more devoutly, reli- 
giously and reverently observed, to the laud of Almighty God, and to 
the increase of your Highness honour and fame. " 

But the boldest of the discontented spirits of the day, to judge 
by his language, was John Walker, of Griston, 1 who in 1540 gave 
the following advice : 

" Yf iij or iiij good ffelowes wold ryde in the nyght with every 
man a belle, and cry in every towne that they passe through, To 
S waff ham ! To Swaffharn ! by the morning ther would be ten thou- 
sand assemblyd at the lest ; and then one bold felowe to stande forth 
and sey, Syrs, nowe we be her assemblyd : you knowe howe all the 
gentylrnen in manner be gone forth, and you knowe howe lytyll 
faver they bere to us pore men : let us therefore nowe go home to 
ther howsys, and ther shall we have harnesse, substance, and vytayle. 
And as many as wyll not tirn to us, let us kylle them, ye, 3 evyn ther 
chyldern in the cradelles : for yt were a good thinge yf ther were so 
many jentylmen in Norff. as ther be whyt bulles. And 3 we have a 
suffycyent nombre, let us go towarde Lynne, and we shalbe good 
ynough, and strong ynough, for all them at ther comyng home out of 
the north, and they that wyll not tirn serve them all a lyke, and all 
them that dwell in our County. The best we myght do were to be- 
gynne with Mr. Southwell, and from them to Mr. Brampton, and to 
Mr. John Breys, and Mr. Hoggtons, and so to Sir Roger Touneshende, 
for he is stylle at home, and so to spoyle them all as we goo, and 

1 Treasury of the Eeceipt of the Exchequer. 

2 I. e. " yea." " And we," &c., i. e. " If we," &c. 


hernesse our sylffe, 1 &c. And Syrs, yf you wyll take upon you to 
play thys acte with the helles by nyght, you shall have horse of me, 
and no man shall know you." 

Such was the temper of the people of Norfolk, and though there 
is no evidence to show it, yet as the old oppressive system was main- 
tained in ever-increasing severity, we may assume they continued 
discontented and ready to rise, provided a " bold felowe " would stand 
forth and be their leader, and that there were some tangible grievance, 
common and self-evident to all, and so heavily oppressive, as to rouse, 
and at the same time unite, them to strike for its removal : and such 
a grievance enclosures were felt to be. Accordingly, when the cry 
arose, as it did in 1549, "Pluck down enclosures," this "cry" was 
immediately adopted; the popular feeling rallied around it; discon- 
tent, long pent up, and harshly repressed, without even the appearance 
of justice being regarded, burst forth with a violence that threatened 
to mingle all things in utter and irremediable ruin ; hatred of the 
gentry, which they had excited against themselves by a series of 
oppressions and exactions, was no longer restrained, but displayed 
itself in open acts of violence ; and that spirit of reform, and determi- 
nation to correct abuses, was called forth, which, though often baffled, 
has ever risen with fresh strength and renewed ardour for the contest, 
producing at length those beneficial results, which every true lover of 
his country must rejoice at and glory in. 

1 I. e. " selves." 


A PROCLAMATION : set forth by Edward VI., April 24th, 1548, 
shows that many had, by the false rumours that were in circulation, 
"been seduced and brought to much disorder of late, and in some 
parts in manner to insurrection and rebellion;" for the avoiding of 
which for the future, it is commanded, " that no man tell forth, spread 
abroad, or utter lies, upon pain of his Majesty's displeasure, and 
grievous imprisonment of such offender's body." 

Shortly after, May 16th, 2 an order was sent into Norfolk to the 
Earl of Sussex, 3 Henry Tlatcliffe, requiring him, among others of the 
same county, " to have in full readiness by the 10th of June next 

1 Proclamations of Edward VI. No. 19. * Cotton MSS. Titus, B. 2. 

3 Henry Batcliffe, Earl of Sussex, Viscount Fitz- Walter, Lord Egremond and 
Burnell, was made Knight of the Bath at the coronation of Queen Anne Bullen, and in 
the first year of the reign of Edward VI. had the command of 1,600 demilances in 
the expedition then made into Scotland ; in which service being unhorsed, he narrowly 
escaped with his life : he was in so much favour at that time, that in the act for dissolving 
the chantries, colleges, free chapels, &c., which was passed this year, he had this clause 
inserted : " Provided always * * that this Act, ne auie thing therein contained, shall 
extend to the College or Chanterie of Attilbourgh [which had been granted to his father 
in 1541], but that Henrie, now Erie of Sussex * * maie * * have and injoy the 
said College and Chanterie * * any thing in this Act to the contrarie in anie wise 
notwithstanding." He was in great favour also, with Queen Mary : by her grant, dated 
Nov. 2, in the first year of her reign, he had " Liberty, Licens and Pardon, to were 
his Cappe, Coyf, or night Cappe, or twoo of them at his pleasor, as well in our presens, 
as in the presens of any other person or persons within this our relme or any other place 
of our Dominion during his life." BlomefielcF s Norfolk. 

" He resided at Attleborough. On a small and scarce print of this earl, he is styled 
Lord-Lieutenant of Norfolk and Suffolk ; and this is the only authority that could be 
obtained for placing him here," i. e. first in the list of Lord-Lieutenants. Swing's Norf. 
Lists, p. 3. 


ensuing, two good and liable horses meet to serve in the field for 
demilances, 1 with two demilances to be employed upon the same," and 
they were to be ready " at one hour's warning." 

At the beginning of the following month, June 1st, came forth a 
well-known proclamation ~ " against enclosures, letting of houses to 
decay, and unlawful converting of arable ground into pastures." At 
the same time a " Commission for redress of enclosures " 3 was issued 
by the king, in which he complains that " the force and puissance " of 
the " realm, which was wont to be greatly feared of all foreign powers, 
is very much decayed, the people wonderfully abated, and those that 
remain grievously oppressed :" and directs inquiry to be made as 
to who have been transgressors, breakers, and offenders of the several 
statutes, 4 Hen. VII., c. 19 ; 7 Hen. VIII., c. 1 ; 25 Hen. VIII., c. 13, 
and 27 Hen. VIII., c. 22. 

This commission was confined to the counties of Oxford, Berks, 
"Warwick, Leicester, Bedford, Bucks, and Northampton. Instructions 
were issued at the same time to assist the commissioners in the 
discharge of their duties. 

Strype gives at full length the charge of Mr. John Hales, one of 
the commissioners, at their assembly for the execution of their trust, 
in which he gives the following explanation of the word " enclosures." 

" It is not to be taken [for] where a man doth enclose and hedge 
in his own proper ground, where no man hath commons," i.e. right 
to common ; " for such enclosure is very beneficial to the common- 
wealth : it is a cause of great increase of wood : but it is meant 
thereby, when any man hath taken away and enclosed any other 
men's commons, or hath pulled down houses of husbandry, and 
converted the lands from tillage to pasture. This is the meaning of 
this word, and so we pray you to remember it." 

This will be the more intelligible if we bear in mind that, at this 

1 A representation of a demilance on horseback will be found in Meyrick's Anc. 
Arm. vol. iii. p. 5; while a somewhat different specimen is at the Tower: the latter is 
armed with a " lance" or " pike," of a very formidable description. 

2 Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. part II. Repository P. 
8 Proclamations of Edw. VI. No. 24. 

C 2 


time, the arable land of any village or township, known as " the field " 
a name still in common use was subdivided by ridges called 
" bawlkes " into " lands " belonging to the different proprietors, who 
cultivated them and took the produce ; but when " the corne was inned 
and harvest don," 1 then all had right of common over the whole. 2 
Just prior to Kett's rebellion, the practice began to be generally 
adopted, by those who had two or more of them lying together, to 
enclose these " lands " as well as others, viz., the waste lands of the 
manor, that " owght to be common;" 1 and it was against such en- 
closures that the efforts of Kett and his associates were especially 
directed. In the " Annals of Cambridge," above quoted, the following 
enclosures are mentioned and complained of (temp. Edw. VI.) : " a 
common lane," "the plowing uppe of certayne bawlks and carte wayes 
in the feelde," of " a bawlke vii foote brode," &c. 3 Mr. Cooper gives 
also two ballads that were written at this time, from which it appears 
that the insurgents were wont to 

" Cast hedge and dyche in the lake 
Fyxed with many a stake. 
Though it war never so faste 
Tet asondre it is wraste : " 4 

and to consider their proceedings in this matter as very praiseworthy : 

" Syr, I think that this wyrke 
Is as gud as to byld a kyrke 
For Cambridges bayles 5 trulye 
Gyve yll example to the cowntrye, 
Ther comones lykewyses for to engrose, 
And from pore men it to enclose."" 

The loss of the public lands, the hedging in of fields which 

1 Annals of Cambridge, by C. H. Cooper, Esq., P.S.A. vol. ii. p. 38. 

2 This custom still exists in Norfolk, at East Tuddenham, Wood Norton, and 
Tacolnestone, and in other parts of the kingdom. 

3 See Appendix (B) for " Complayntes at the Insurrection." 

4 " "Wraste," i. e. " wrested " or " torn." 5 I. e. bailie's. 
6 Taken by Mr. Cooper from Dr. Lamb's Cambridge Documents, 160. 


had previously (for a portion of the year at least) been common, 
and the enclosure of pastures, are mentioned by Nevylle amongst 
the complaints of the discontented, 1 while in the List of Grievances 
sent by Kett to the king, we find the following relating to this 
point : 

That no more saffron-grounds be enclosed ; 

That no lord of any manor shall have right of common ; 

That this right be confined to freeholders and copyholders : 
but nothing is said about pulling down houses of husbandry, or con- 
verting arable land into pasture, though there may be an allusion 
to the latter in their prayer, that a limit be put to the grazing of 
bullocks and sheep. In the Appendix (C) will be found a letter from 
Sir Thomas Darcy and Sir John Gates to " gentill Mr. Cicell," 
from which it appears that their power as commissioners was too 
limited, and that they were afraid the people seeing this would only 
" be brought in more rage than they were before." It may be this 
was the reason why the rising, which speedily ensued, was so violent ; 
or that the commissioners paid more attention to the converting of 
arable land into pasture, &c., as the unlawful enclosure they were 
called upon to remedy, while it was for their commons the people were 
especially anxious. 

In June of this year letters were sent by the Council " to the 
special men in every shire," that they might have the beacons on the 
coast in good order, as a protection against foreign enemies; while 
" for the order and stay of others," it was thought " requisite that 
some of the gentlemen should remain behind : " similar directions * 
were at the same time issued, concerning the inland beacons, with this 
significant conclusion : " That all things may be in good order at 
home, we require you to have a good eye and a special regard to the 
doings of the common people, and in case of any misdemeanours, &c., 

1 " Agros publicoa sibi ac suia sublevandis a majoribus relictos adimi, prsedia qua? 
patrum memoria communia essent, ea nunc f'ossis ac sepibus distingui, pascuis scrobes 
oircumduci, omnes sibi aditus intercludi." Nevylle. 

* State Paper Office Domestic Edw. VI. vol. iv. 12. 3 Id. vol. iv. 10. 


to give order for the stay and reformation of the same, with all 
diligence ; " while all persons that had servants in their employ, were 
" to keep the same in labour, good order and obedience." The commis- 
sioners found " the people most tractable and quiet." John Hales 
requests the Protector to issue like commissions for other counties ; 
and because they have not already been " heard of in other parts of 
the realm," he complains " we be thought men only bent or set to do 
displeasure to some men in these parts." July 22nd, 1548. " Though 
the good Duke of Somerset," says Strype, 1 speaking of the effect 
of this commission, " took all his pains, and employed many honest 
men in this charitable work, to put a stop to the impoverishing and 
dispiriting of the poor, and to heal their discontents, which he 
foresaw also a great danger in, yet such was the greedy avarice 
of the gentry, that all these endeavours proved unsuccessful ; 
many great men at the court, and the Earl of "Warwick it seems 
among the rest, backing them, being themselves probably guilty in 
that behalf." 

John Hales, 3 in addition to his labours when on circuit, brought 
three bills into Parliament, to relieve the necessities, and so allay the 
discontented spirit of the people : 

First, For the rebuilding of houses that had been allowed to fall 
into decay, and for the maintenance of tillage and husbandry ; 

Second, To prevent regrating and forestalling ; and 

Third, To compel those who kept sheep, to keep kine also, and to 
rear calves in a certain proportion. 

The first two were brought forward in the House of Lords, where 
the former met with a speedy rejection, while the latter passed, and 
was sent down to the Lower House, where it was so debated and 
tossed up and down, and at last committed to such men, and there so 
much deferred, that one would have said " the lamb had been com- 
mitted to the wolf's custody." The third bill was brought forward in 
the House of Commons ; but there, it was then " Hold with me and I 
will hold with thee ; " and so the bill was lost. 

1 Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. part I. c. 12. 2 Id. vol. ii. part I. c. 16. 


The following extract from J " such matters as have at sundry 
times been opened to me, Henry Lord Marquis Dorset, by the Lord 
Seymour, Admiral of England," shows how those high in office were 
ready to avail themselves of the popular discontent to further 
their own private views. 

" When I was with the Admiral at Sudely, which was in the end of the summer 
(1548), and also when he was at my house, which was after Michaelmas, the Admiral 
devising with me to make me strong in my country, advised me to keep a good house, 
and asked me what friends I had in my country ; to whom I made answer, that I had 
divers servants that were gentlemen, well able to live of themselves. That is well, said the 
Admiral ; yet trust not too much to the gentlemen, for they have somewhat to lose : but 
I will rather advise you to make much of the head yeomen and franklins of the country, 
specially those that be the ringleaders, for they be men that be best able to persuade 
the multitude, and may best bring the number, and therefore I will wish you to make 
much of them, and to go to their houses, now to one, now to another, carrying with you 
a flagon or two of wine 2 and a pasty of venison, and to use a familiarity with them ; for so 
shall you cause them to love you, and be assured to have them at your commandment ; 
and this manner, I may tell you, I intend to use myself, said he." 

By referring to a subsequent page, it will be seen that Sir Roger 
Wodehouse tried to ingratiate himself with the insurgents by acting 
somewhat after the above fashion, and also how it fared with him. 

The Protector was suspected of being too much inclined to act like 
his brother, Lord Sudely ; viz., to seek for popularity, but to do so by 
excessive " softness, and opinion to be good to the poor." 

The following is a summary of what was done to put down the 
insurrections that were now breaking out in connection with " decays 
of houses and unlawful enclosures." 

A proclamation* was issued by some of the Council, in which having 
referred to a previous one that fixed a certain day 6 for the remedy 
of the things complained of, and having mentioned the fact, that many 

1 State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. vol. vi. 7. 

2 Similarly to Cyrus the Younger, as described by Xenophon. 

3 Wm. Paget to the Duke of Somerset. State Paper Office Domestic Edw. VI 
vol. viii. 4. 

4 State Paper Office Domestic Edw. VI. vol. vii. 18. > May 1st. Hume. 


were now " plucking down pales, hedges and ditches at their pleasure," 
they promise that these " decays " shall be reformed, and require that 
these tumults be repressed, calling upon all men to assist in " the stay 
thereof," " for the more suretie of his hyghnes good and loving 

Somerset l writing to the Marquis of Dorset and the Earl of Hun- 
tingdon, states (but his supicion does not seem to have been well 
grounded, so far as Norfolk was concerned), that the " seking redresse 
of enclosures " had " by seditious priests and other yvel peple," 
become mixed up with attempts for the restitution of the old cruel 
laws that had been passed in Henry the Eighth's time. Their Lordships 
are accordingly prayed to be ready to repress their " attemptes in the 
beginneng if any chaunce " to be made. 

A proclamation 2 was issued by the King, in which having stated 
that " a great number of rude and ignorant people in certain shires 
of England, had done great and most perilous and heinous disorder, 
and had riotously assembled themselves, plucked down men's hedges, 
disparked their parks, and taken upon them the king's power and 
sword, but had now repented of their evil doings ;" his Majesty 
proceeds to declare all such pardoned, and forbids their being troubled 
for the part they had taken in any commotions, while, at the same 
time, he threatens with death, loss of lands, &c., any that might after- 
wards make any similar disturbances. 

The Protector was much blamed by William Paget for issuing this 
pardon : 3 he says, " Your pardonnes have geven evell men a boldenes 
to enterpryse as they [have done], and cause them to thinke youe 
dare not meddell with them, but are glad to please them, and to suffre 
whatsoever they lyste, and what pleaseth them, be yt right or wronge, 
they must have yt." 

"These parts," 4 says Lord Arundel, writing to Sir William Petre, 

1 State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. vol. vii. 31. June llth, 1549. 

2 Proclamations of Edward VI. No. 37. June 14th, 1549. 

3 State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. vol. viii. 4. July 7th, 1549. 

4 Id. vol. vii. 44. June 30th, 1549. 


from Guildford, "remain as well as may be in a quavering quiet;" 
and the following extracts from Paget's letter 1 to Somerset show that 
such was also the condition of the rest of the kingdom, and that the 
Protector was blamed as the cause of its being so unsettled. 

" I told your Grace the trouthe, and was not believed : well, now 
your Grace seithe yt what seythe your Grace ? Mary, the King's 
subjects owt of all discipline, owt of obedience, caryng neither for Pro- 
tectour nor King, and muche lesse for any other meane officer. And 
what is the cause ? Your owne levytie, your softnes, your opinion to 
be good to the pore. The opinion of suche as sayethe to your Grace, 
' O Syr, there was never man that had the hartes of the pore as youe 
have. Oh ! the Commons praye for youe, Syr : they saye, God save 
your life.' I knowe your gentle harte ryght well, and that your mean- 
ing ys good and godly : howsoever, some evell men lyste to prate here 
that youe have some greater enterpryse in your hedde, that leane so 
muche to the multitude. I knowe, I saye, your good meaning and 
honest nature. But I saye, Syr, yt is great pitie (as the common 
proverbe goeth in a warme sommer) that ever fayre wether shuld do 
harme. Yt is pitie that your so muche gentlenes shuld be an occasion 
of so great an evell as ys now chaunced in England by these rebelles." 
* * " Consider, I beseche youe most humbly, with all my harte, 
that societie in a realme dothe consiste and ys maynteyned by meane 
of religion and lawe." * * " Loke well whether youe have either 
lawe or religion at home, and I feare youe shall fynde neither. The 
use of the old religion is forbydden by a lawe, and the use of the newe 
ys not yet prynted in the stomackes of the eleven of twelve partes in 
the realme, what countenance soever men make outwardly to please 
them in whom they see the power restethe. Now, Syr, for the lawe : 
where ys it used in England at libertie ? Almost no where. The fote 
taketh upon him the parte of the head, and comyns ys become a kinge, 
appointing condicions and lawes to the governours, sayeng, ' Graunt 
this, and that, and we will go home.'" * * "Be the inclosures 
lately made that these people repyne now at ?" * * "I knowe in 

1 State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. vol. viii. 4. July 7th, 1549. 



this matter of the commons every man of the Couusayle hath 
myslyked your procedings, and wyshed yt otherways. I knowe your 
Grace can saye, ' No man shall answer the Kinge for these things 
but I.' O Syr, I feare me, that yf youe take not an other wayes 
betymes in these matters of tumult, neither youe nor we shall come to 
answeryng." * "Your Grace must remember, that saving for 

the name of a kinge, and that youe must do all thinge in the name of 
an other, your Grace ys durynge the King's Majestes young age of 
imperfection to do his owne things, as yt were a Kinge, and have his 
Majestes power. Then, Syr, for a Kinge, do like a Kinge in this 
matter specially. Take a noble courage to youe. Be of niagnanimitie, 
and reduce the subjecte to the order of a subjeete ; ffor your procedings 
wherein take example at other kings. And youe nede not to seke farre 
for the matter. Go no further than to him which dyed last of most 
noble memory, Kinge Henry the eight : kcpte not he his subjects from 
the highest to the lowest in due obedience ? and howe ? By the 
onely mayntenaunce of justice in dewe course : which now being 
brought out of course, cannot, for anything that I see, be brought to 
reputacion, and to an establishment, but by power and force, whiche 
is a grievous hearing, yf it might be otherwyse. But it is better late 
than never, and now the sooner best of all." Paget then sets forth 
what seems to him the best course for Somerset to adopt, viz., to 
summon the Council, to send for the Almayn horsemen from Calais, 
Lord Eerris and Sir William Herbert from Wales, with as many men 
as they dare trust, 1 and the Earl of Shrewsbury with his retainers ; to 
place the king at Windsor ; to go himself with as many noblemen 
and others as could be mustered into the disaffected counties, accom- 
panied by the Chief Justices of England ; to hang the ripest of the 
rebels, and to take surety of such rich men as might have favoured 
them ; and to take the liberties of such towns as had offended into the 
King's hands. * * " Your Grace may saye youe shall lose the 
hartes of the people : of the good people youe shall not, and of the 
yll yt maketh no matter." * * "By this meanes youe shall 

1 It will be seen afterwards that the Welsh soldiers wei e not of much value. 


delyver the Kinge an obedient realme." * * " And, Syr, where[as] 
your Grace sayth that they be a fewe that with enclosures, &c., give 
this occasion, hold your peace to yourselfe, and at ley sure in the 
wynter let them be sent for one by one, and had in confession ; and 
let such of them as be offendours smart for yt, whereby bothe the 
King's Majesty may have a profyt, and the pore man (yf that be the 
sore) be relieved." 

"While in a letter from Paget to Petre, 1 July 13th, we find these 
domestic commotions known on the Continent, and Granvelle, the 
minister of Charles V., giving the following advice with regard to 
them : " Marry, we hear say, that your commons at home font grand 
barbularye ; but it is nothing if Monsieur Protector step to it betimes, 
and travail in person, as the Emperor himself did, with the sword of 
Justice in his hand." To this Paget replied, "That the matter was at 
a point," and says, " I made little of it, how heavy soever our hearts 
took it." 

The harshness which characterizes the above extracts; the reference 
to Henry the Eighth's example, 2 -as one so well worthy of imitation ; 
the evident ignoring of any and all complaints as wholly groundless ; 
and the wish, so prominently put forward, that punishment should be 
rigorously inflicted on all offenders, rather than that justice should be 
done towards the injured and oppressed ; all this, on the part of the 
King's counsellors, standing as it did in so striking contrast with the 
gentle and amiable disposition of the young king, might w r ell embolden 
the people to endeavour to win by force, what they could not reasonably 
expect to gain in any other way. 

There was also, as is clear from Paget's letter, an impression in 
the minds of the people that the Council was divided ; that while 
there was an aristocratical party, headed by Warwick (ultimately the 

1 State Paper Office Edward VI. Germany. 

2 " An example," as Sir John Hayward (Life of Edward VI.) says, " that was not 
then to be followed, since the kings were not equal either in spirit or in power. Even as 
it is in the fable, that albeit an Eagle did bear away a Lamb in her talons with full flight, 
yet a Eaven endeavouring to do the like was held entangled and fettered in the fleece. ' 

D 2 


suppressor of the Norfolk rising) ; there was also another, headed 
by one well able to defend their cause, Somerset, "the good Duke," 
as people loved to call him. He was now at the zenith of his power, 
and accordingly, the present was the opportunity seized for seeking 
some redress of popular grievances. 


" THE first attempt was made at Attleborow, 1 wher they threw 
downe the fences of one Green of Wylby, who was supposed to have 
enclosed a parcell of Attleborow common, adjoining- to the common 
pasture of Hargham." 1 Such was the humble commencement of this 
rebellion, a mere village brawl, a perception in the rural mind of 
injury received, and of one way at least a rude, rough way, it is true- 
by which the wrong might be remedied. And here the matter might 
have rested, too obscure to deserve notice ; but rumours being circulated 
in Norfolk that the poor in other parts of the kingdom, and especially 
in Kent, 3 had filled up ditches, and laid open the lands formerly com- 
mon, that had been enclosed, complaints arose in various quarters 
because the like was not done in this county also. Secret meetings 
were held, and men of humble birth, whom the circumstances of the 
time brought into notice, bewailed loudly their poverty, and inveighed 
with much bitterness against the nobility and gentry : " Compare," 
said they, 4 " our respective positions : all power is in their hands, and 
they so use it as to make it unbearable ; while nothing is left for us 
but the extreme of misery. As for them, they abound in luxuries ; 

1 In Lingard " Aldborough ;" but wrongly. 

2 Sir John Hayward's Life of Edward VI. 

3 The Kent disturbances ended at midsummer. " Mr. Candish had warrant for 
xxxijs. to Clarencieux king at armes, sent into Kent for the pacifying the Eebelles about 
Midsommer, and carrying them their pardon." Privy Council Register Edward VI. 
vol. i. p. 567. 4 Nevylle. 


they are surrounded with all sorts of plenty ; they, when they are 
jaded with pleasure, are roused from their state of weariness and 
languor by the violence of their avarice, and the fierceness of their 
lusts : while as for us, what is our condition ? We are half dead with 
the length and severity of our labours ; we have in deed and in truth 
to eat our bread ' in the sweat of our brow,' and our whole lives are 
spent in nothing else than undergoing all the evils of hunger, cold, 
and thirst. And who will say that this is not a wretched and unwor- 
thy state of things ? and most wretched and unworthy it undoubtedly 
is ; but, bad as it may be, we could have endured it, if the gentry, 
besotted with pleasure and puffed up with pride, were not continually 
casting in our teeth, ' What pitiful creatures these poor wretches 
are ! ' This, then, is what we find fault with, and it is such treatment 
as this that we complain of. Urged on by their proud and haughty 
spirit, and either too idle or too careless to mind what they are doing, 
they actually make sport of our sufferings, a circumstance which, as 
indeed it ought to do, inflicts such pain upon our minds, and brings 
such disgrace upon our good name, that nothing worse can be men- 
tioned, nothing more unfair can be endured. Again, take the condi- 
tions on which we may hold land : they are evidently of a shameful 
character, and more fit for slaves than for free men. We may hold it, 
it is true ; but on what terms ? just as it suits the will and pleasure 
of some great man. But let an unhappy wretch offend one of these 
high and mighty folks, and what becomes of him then ? why, he 
is stripped, deprived, and turned out of everything. How long 
are we to submit to this ? How long is so overbearing a spirit to 
remain unpunished ? Moreover, they have now arrived at such a 
height of cruelty and covetousness, that, not content with seizing 
everything, and getting all they can by fraud or force, to spend it in 
pleasure and effeminate indulgences, they have sucked the very blood 
out of our veins, and the marrow out of our bones. The commons, 
which were left by our forefathers for the relief of ourselves and 
families, are taken from us ; the lands, which within the remembrance 
of our fathers were open, are now surrounded with hedges and ditches ; 
and the pastures are enclosed, so that no one can go upon them. 


The birds of the air, the fish of the sea, 1 and all the fruits so unspar- 
ingly brought forth by the earth, they look upon as their own, and 
consequently use them as such. Nature, with all her abundance and 
variety, is unable to satisfy them, and so they think of new sources of 
enjoyment, such as sauces and perfumes, surrounding themselves with 
delicious scents, mixing sweet with sweet, and seeking on all sides 
whatever may gratify their desires and lusts. But what is the con- 
dition of the poor all this time ? What is our food ? Herbs and roots, 
and thankful may we be if, by incessant labour, we can get even these. 
Thankful ! that we may, for they are vexed that we live and breathe 
without their leave ; yes, they are vexed that we can breathe the 
common air, or look up at the glorious sky, without first asking and 
obtaining their permission. We cannot, any longer, endure injuries 
so great and so cruel ; nor can we, without being moved by it, behold 
the insolence of the nobility and gentry : we will sooner betake our- 
selves to arms, and mix heaven and earth in confusion, than submit 
to such atrocities. Since nature has made the same provision for us 
as for them, and has given us also a soul and a body, we should like 
to know whether this is all that we are to expect at her hands. J 
Look at them, and look at us : have we not all the same form ? are 
we not all born in the same way ? :i Why, then, should their mode of 
life, why should their lot, be so vastly different from ours ? We see 
plainly that matters are come to an extremity, and extremities we are 
determined to try. We will throw down hedges, fill up ditches, lay 
open the commons, and level to the ground whatever enclosures they 
have put up, no less shamefully, than meanly and unfeelingly. We 
will not submit to be oppressed with burthens in spite of ourselves, 
nor undergo sucli disgrace as we should be labouring under, if, by 
growing old in suffering these evils, we left to our posterity the State 

1 By referring to a subsequent page, it will be found that the right of fishing in rivers, 
and of retaining all " gret fyshe," is mentioned ill Kett's List of Grievances. 

2 This so closely resembles Froissart's Chronicles, book II. chap. 73, that I have 
given John Ball's speech in the Appendix (D). 

3 Somewhat similar, is Shylock's speech, Merchant of Venice, iii. 2. 


full of wretchedness and misery, and in a much worse condition than 
we had found it. We will, therefore, leave no stone unturned to 
obtain our rights, nor will we give over until things are settled as we 
wish them to be. What we want is liberty, and the power, in com- 
mon with our so-called superiors, of enjoying the gifts of nature : it is 
true our wish may not be gratified, but this one thing is certain, our 
attempt to obtain it will end only with our lives." By referring to 
the List of Grievances Kett put forth in the name and on behalf of the 
" pore comons," as he styles those for whom he is pleading, it will at 
once be seen that Nevylle has scarcely given a fair account of their 
complaints. As an example of this, we may contrast the above strong 
and unreasonable statements about the equality of all men, with the 
following extract from Kett's address to the king, which will be fouud 
at full length at a subsequent page : 

" We pray thatt all bonde men may be made fre, for god made 
all fre in his precious blode sheddyng." 

The people being in this excited state, and having " conceived a 
wonderful hate against gentlemen, taking them all as enemies," 3 soon 
proceeded to open acts of violence : They began, as has been already 
mentioned, at Attleborough. The inhabitants of this town, together 

1 Nevylle's "De furor. Norfolc." from which the above speech is taken, "derives 
considerable weight from the fact of his intimacy with Archbishop Parker [to whom he was 
afterwards secretary], who was present at a great part of the transactions described, and 
to whom the book was dedicated. * * * It is a remarkable instance of the possibility 
of arriving at true facts in spite of any attempt to pervert them. The book is written 
in a spirit of the bitterest hostility, and yet the impression which it leaves of Kett and 
his followers, is certainly favourable. * * * The whole style * * is in the highest 
degree rhetorical, and is, after the manner of the time, interlarded with imaginary speeches, 
in imitation of the ancients. On this account, probably, as well as from its connexion 
with the archbishop, it was by order in council commanded to the bishops to cause it to 
be read in all grammar schools, in the place of heathen poets." Note on Eev. A. P. 
Stanley's Paper " On the part taken by Norfolk and Suffolk in the Eeformation," 
published in the " Proceedings of the Archa3ological Institute for 1847." 

My own impression is, that both Nevylle and Holinslrad derived their information 
from " The Commoyson in No[rfolk], 1549," written by Nicholas Sotherton, and now in 
the Library of the British Museum, Harl. MSS. No. 1576, fol. 251. 

2 Duke of Somerset to Sir Philip Hoby, Harl. MSS. No. 523. 


' .'** 


with those of Eccles, Wilby, and other neighbouring villages, being 
angry with Mr. John Green, lord of the manor of Wilby, for enclosing 
that part of the common belonging to his manor, which before had 
been a portion of the adjoining commons of Hargham and Attle- 
borough, on which they had all the right of commonage, 1 met 
together June 20th, 2 threw down the hedges, and laid the whole 
open as it had previously been. 

Having done this, they returned to their respective homes, where 
they seem to have remained tolerably quiet (though, from the "former 
talke " subsequently mentioned, 3 it appears secret meetings were held 
during this interval) till the beginning of July, at which time they 
collected in great numbers at Wymondham, " att a certen night and 
daie playe, which was there played the Satherday nyght being the vith 
daie of July, 4 1549, and held on the viith day and part of the viiith 
daie, being Monday, which daie the people" were "to depart" and 
return home ; 6 they thus collected, with the view of availing themselves 
of the opportunity then afforded them of exercising such influence 
as they might have on the country people, who flocked thither, for 
the above-mentioned " playe," which was held in commemoration of 
the Translation of Thomas & Becket (July 7th), to whom the chapel B 
standing in the midst of the town was dedicated. Great numbers 
having collected to witness the processions and interludes, the leaders 
held conferences with them, and gained over many ; insomuch that a 
crowd went to one Hobartson's of Morley, about two miles off, and 
having thrown down certain hedges, returned to Wymondham again. 

About this time the Protector put forth the following proclamation 
or letter, 7 in order to stay the people with the hope that their 
grievances would be speedily and effectually redressed : 

" After our right hartie commendacons. Where[as] the Kinges Majesties commission 
w' certain articles therunto annexed, be presently addressed unto you for redresse of 

1 Blomefield. z Heylin's Hist, of Eeformation. 3 See p. 31. 

4 " June " in Sotherton's MS. (Harl. MSS. No. 1576), but evidently an error. 
* Nicholas Sotherton's " The Commoyson in No. 1549." 

6 This was subsequently the grammar-school ; but has been long disused. 

7 State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. vol. viii. No. 18. 



unlawfull enclosures, deeayes of howaes, and for the reformacon of sundry other mysorders ; 
albeit we doubt not but, considering the trust his Ma tie hath specially reposed in you, you 
will both diligently and uprightly attend the execucon of the said commyssion ; yet, for 
that the matters be of veary greate importance, and such as nedeth present reformacon ; 
we have thought good by thies our Ires 1 to pray and requyre you to assemble your selfes 
together w' as good expedicon as you may after the receipt of his Ma ties said commyssion. 
And to th' intent your doinges may precede w' out all suspicion, and the people conceyve 
some good hope of reformacon at your handes, we wold that as many of you as be in any 
of the cases to be reformed, do first, for examples sake, begyn to the reformacon of your 
selfes : Wherby you shall both have the bettar credit, and may w* the more boldnes 
proceede to the redresse of others. And as we nothing doubt of your good dyligence and 
wise proceedinges herein, so we trust you will use such indifferency in your doinges as 
no man shall have just cause in reason to complayn thereof. And so fare ye right 
hartely well ffrom 


The instructions 3 printed this month, direct the Commissioners 
to inquire : 

" If any person hath taken from any other their Commons, whereby they were able to 
breed and keep their cattle, and maintain their husbandry, as they were in times past. 

" Item, if any Commons or high ways, have been enclosed, or imparked, contrary to 
right, and without due recompence : That then the same shall be reformed by the said 

But, though the above instructions were carefully drawn up, and 
there may have been much willingness to carry them out, scarcely 
anything could bave checked the turbulent spirit of the people of 
Norfolk; a new element, viz., personal hostility and private ani- 
mosities, having now become mixed up in the tumults that had 

In the 31st year of Henry VIII. 3 the parishioners and inhabitants 
of Wymondham, desirous of saving their noble church from destruction, 
petitioned the king to have certain parts of the church, which was to 
be destroyed as belonging to the monastery, granted to them, they 
paying for the bells, lead, &c., according to their value. But their 
good intent, though they paid the money, was frustrated by Serjeant 

1 I. e. " letters." 

2 State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. vol. viii. No. 10. 

3 Blomefield's History of Norfolk. 


Flowerdew, who, in violation of this contract, carried off the lead, 1 and 
nearly demolished the choir, to the no little aggravation and annoy- 
ance of the townspeople. The had feeling excited by these unwarrant- 
able proceedings, had an opportunity of displaying itself when the 
disturbances connected with enclosures began ; this will account for 
the Ketts 3 playing so prominent a part in them, for they were chiefly 
concerned in the purchase, and were very desirous to save the church, 
being at that time the principal inhabitants of the place ; they never 
forgave Flowerdew, but endeavoured to do him and his family all the 
prejudice imaginable ever after. 

Flowerdew, who lived at Hethersett, was vexed at having some 
of his hedges thrown down : he came to Wymondham and gave the 
insurgents 4(M. 3 on condition that they should do the same to an 
enclosure belonging to Robert Kett, which lay near the Fairstead, and 
had been common. Thus urged on, they hastened to Kett, told him 
what their designs were, and demanded that he should restore to his 
country, and to them, consulting, as they were, the "weal of the 
Commonalty" (to use an expression we have already had), 4 the 
public land he had enclosed ; that the hedges should be cast down ; 
the quickset plucked up ; and that what had been common before 

1 " During some excavations made at Wyniondham in 1834, on clearing the Chapter- 
house to the level of its original floor, a mass of metal was found, sunk into and level 
with it, on the north side. It was with some difficulty removed, as it weighs about a ton. 
Its upper surface is a pointed oval (the usual shape of ecclesiastical seals), measuring 
39 in. by 16| in., its depth 8 in., the sides contracting towards the bottom, giving it the 
appearance of a boat. It was evidently run into the cavity in which it was found, as it 
had contracted in the process of cooling. A hole had been cast in the upper surface for the 
purpose of inserting a peg whenever it might be desirable to remove it, and the king's 
stamp had been twice struck on the surface, between which seven circles and two half- 
circles had been described, probably to express the quantity. It may be that this mass of 
metal, which proved to be lead, was part of that seized by Flowerdew ; that he was pre- 
vented removing it by the king's officers putting their stamp upon it ; and that in the 
confusion which succeeded it was covered up and forgotten." Arclteeologia, xxvi. 269. 

2 For the Kett pedigree, see Appendix (E). 

3 There is some little uncertainty as to the amount given by Flowerdew. Sir John 
Hayward, in his Life of Edward VI., Harl. MSS. No. 6021, says it was iij*. iiijrf., but 
in the printed copy it is 38s. 4td. 4 See p. 7. 

E 2 ' 


should be common again. Kett easily allowed himself to be won over 
as a partisan in their schemes, and told them he would not only grant 
their request, but would stand by them to restrain and put down 
wholly the power of the nobility and gentry. He hoped, as he gave 
them to understand, he should shortly be able to bring about such a 
change that, as they had felt deeply their own misery, so those 
wretches should have equal occasion to feel deeply the bitter con- 
sequences of their pride and haughtiness. He set forth the many 
shameful things they had for some time past been called on to suffer, 
and the many injuries and calamities with which they had been 
harassed. " But be of good courage," continued he, " for power so 
excessive, avarice so great, and cruelty of every kind so unheard of, 
cannot but be hateful and accursed in the sight both of God and man. 
Through the covetousness of the gentry the State has suffered grievous 
injury ; while we, by the loss of the commons, have in like manner 
been wronged ; but we will demand, and I promise you we will 
obtain it too, we will demand that our wrongs be righted. As 
regards the field I have enclosed, I will make it common for all men ; 
and not only so, but will make it common with my own hands at once. 
To bring my speech to an end, if any measure is for your advantage, 
rest assured I will ever second it to the utmost of my power, not as 
your companion, but as your general, your standard-bearer, and your 
chief : in a word, I will not only be present at your councils, but 
henceforth will preside at them." l Inflamed by his words, 2 they sur- 

1 " To frame them the better to his allure, Kett told them, both often and with 
vehement voice, how they were overtopped and trodden down by gentlemen and other 
their good masters, and put out of all possibility ever to recover foot ; how, whilst rivers 
of riches ran into the landlords' coifers, they were pared to the quick, and fed upon pease 
and oats like beasts ; how, being fleeced by these for private benefit, they were flayed by 
public services and customs, wherein, whilst the richer sort favoured themselves, they 
were gnawed to the very bones ; how, the more to terrify and torture them to their 
minds, and to wind their necks more surely under their arm, their tyrannous masters did 
often implead, arrest, and cast them into prison, and thereby consume them to worse 

2 " His illi despicatissimi viri, ac omnium qui unquam post homines natos exstiterunt 
turpissimi, vocibus accensi," &c. Nevylle. 


rounded him on all sides, and with many shouts testified the joy they 
felt at having gained so great an acquisition to their cause. They then 
spread themselves over the field before mentioned, and in accordance 
with their original design, filled up the ditches and laid it open. When 
they had done this, they seem to have felt that they had made a good 
beginning ; that now the power of the oppressor would cease, and free- 
dom henceforth be their portion ; and, urged on partly by their own 
daring and present success, and partly by the exhortations of their 
leader, as Kett now was, whose words acted like fire on their inflam- 
mable tempers, they looked upon disturbing the peace as a small 
matter, and became eager to produce such a change in the government 
of the country as might be beneficial to themselves. 

The encouragement they met with from Kett " soe animated the 
harts of such of them into whome Rebellion was easily entrid, that they 
proceeded further to doethelyke, and specially in Flowerdew's close," 
by whom this levelling of enclosures had been so injudiciously encou- 
raged ; he having bribed them, as we have just seen, to level those of 
Kett, at whose instigation, most probably, they again took their 
way to Hethersett, in order there to " doe the lyke." Plowerdew en- 
deavoured to dissuade them from their tumultuous proceedings ; but 
finding this of no avail, and vexed by the mischief the people were 
doing, in addition to what they had done him on their former visit, he 
inveighed with much bitterness against Kett, and accused him of 
having collected this wild and rebellious mob, calling him a wicked 
and bad man, a pest to his country, and the leader of a parcel of 
vagabonds. He endeavoured to resist, but all his resistance was of no 

than nothing ; how they did palliate these pilleries with the fair pretences of authority 
and law ; ' fine workmen, I warrant you, who can so closely carry their dealings, that men 
only can then discern them when it is beyond their power to prevent them ;' how harmless 
counsels were fit for tame fools ; but for them, who had already stirred, there was no hope 
but in adventuring boldly : and so, by oft and earnest repeating of these and the like 
speeches, and by bearing a confident countenance in all his actions, the vulgar took him 
to be both valiant and wise, and a fit man to be their commander, being glad that they 
had found any captain to follow."^ John Hayward's Life of Edward VI. 
1 Nicholas Sotherton. 


avail ; for with much shouting and clamour they levelled his hedges 
and filled up the ditches. Having finished this matter, they surrounded 
Kett, and demanded of him that he would solemnly pledge himself to 
stand their friend, as he had already promised to do : he, for " lacke 
of Grace, and pretending to doe good thereby to the Commonwealth, 
sayd, hee would assist them with body and goods ;" 1 and further 
exhorted them to be of good cheer, and to follow him as the author of 
their freedom, and the righter of their wrongs. " The office," said he, J 
" which the State has bestowed upon me, I will never lay down, until 
you have obtained your rights. Your deliverance and safety are with 
me objects of the greatest interest, and to obtain these I refuse not to 
sacrifice my substance, yea, my very life itself, so highly do I esteem 
the cause in which we are engaged :" "whereuppon 1 of a small com- 
pany, att the first not above five or six persons, they encreased to 
servants and vacabones, 3 that they would not be resysted." 4 

With Robert Kett was associated his brother William, a butcher ' 
of Wymondham, who, in consequence of his extreme hardihood and 
courage, was highly esteemed. With these commanders they formed 
themselves into a camp, at the report of which numbers of idle and 
desperate fellows, and great crowds of servants and runagates, came 
flocking from all parts to join them. Kett thought he was now 
supported by a sufficient force to warrant his acting more boldly than 
he had as yet done : accordingly, having committed much havoc at 
Wymondham, Hethersett, and the adjacent villages, he on the 10th 
of July 2 crossed the river at Cringleford, and came to Bowthorpe, 
where, having cast down certain hedges, and received great additions 
to the number of his followers, he directed them to encamp for the 
night. Hither Sir Edmund Windham, Knt., High Sheriff of Norfolk 
and Suffolk, came and proclaimed them rebels, and commanded them, 
in the king's name, to depart peaceably to their own homes : had 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 Nevylle. 3 I. e. " vagabonds." 

4 The accompanying sketch represents the Oak at Hethersett, under which Kett stood 
when delivering the above address. 

5 Described as a " mercer" in the king's writ to the judges. 



not, however, his horsemanship been better than his rhetoric, himself 
had not departed the place ; for, being greatly offended at his speech, 
they attempted to seize him ; but, as he was well horsed, he brake 
through those that had compassed him in, and, escaping from them, 
hastened with all speed to Norwich, about two miles distant. The 
same night a great many people from the city and country came to 
them with such weapons as they had succeeded in collecting. And 
now the rebels began to " play their pranks," l threatening to burn 
the house and deface the Dove-Cote (formerly a chapel, 3 before it 
was turned from a house of prayer to a den of thieves), of Master 
Corbet's, of Sprowston, committing many other outrages wherever 
they came. 

On the preceding day, July 9th, they had thrown down the 
quickset hedge and filled up the ditches that enclosed the common 
pasture of the City, called the Town Close, 5 which hedge, &c., kept in 
the neat cattle of the poor freemen of the City, which were there 
pastured and looked after by the neatherd, who received of every 
owner, by custom, a halfpenny for every beast kept there ; and so that 
fence which, by good and provident advice of their forefathers, had 
been raised for the common profit of the City, was thus cast down 
by the very persons whose interest it was made for. Scarcely had 
they thrown down the ditch in the upper part of it than very many 
seditious people, to whose ears rumour had made known what was 
taking place, escaped secretly from the City, and " partlie uppon 
former talke att the Game aforesayde, and partly uppon sodeyne 
admonishment, were easly assentive to that Rebellion." * 


1 Blomefield. 

1 The following extract from King Edward's Book of Sales relates to this chapel : 

Chantry, College, &o. Vatulf Purchase. Purchaser. 

Chauntry of S. Mary Magdalene^ t. d. f s. d.~^ 
in Sprouston, in the county I 9 6 I 97fi n ft I Bob. Southwell kt. 
of Norf. & divers other lands, f 2 19 6 1 and John Corbet. 

&c J I J 

Strype's Mem. Eccles. vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 407. 
3 See City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 3116, App. (I). \ Nicholas Sotherton. 


The City authorities, headed by the Mayor, Thomas Codd, felt 
themselves called upon to interfere as soon as they heard of the out- 
rages committed on the Town Close. The Mayor, Aldermen, and 
principal citizens assembled in the Council Chamber, July 9th and 
10th, and, as the following items show, did their best to meet the 
difficulties in which they had so unexpectedly become involved : * 

" In primis the ix day of July to Edmond Pynchyn for> 

his costs rydyng to London in post and from thense 1 

to Wynsore to the Kyngs cownsell w* letters con- f 
cernyng y e rysyng of y e said pepyll J 

For this journey he subsequently received an additional recom- 
pense : 2 

" Itm. to Edmond Pynchyn for certen costs payd by hym -\ 
ov r and above xl 8 dd 3 to hym by the accomptant y e 
ix daye of July beyng the fyrste day of the V x 
Comocon he than rydyng w* letters to the Kyngs 
cownsell and for hys payns in y' Jorney 

" Itm. to John Eevell the young 1 for an horse sadyll and \ 

brydyll for the said Pynchyn } " ^ 

" Itm. p d to another man for his payns and costes and 

horse hyer rydyng w* letters for the same cause to } v iiij 
S r Eoger Townesend 

" Itm. to the iij d man for leke causes rydyng w 4 lettyrs to 
Syr Wylhn Paston Knyght 4 

Having thus sent for aid, they, with the Mayor, proceeded to 
the Town Close, July 9th, in order to dissuade the insurgents from 
their enterprise. On his arrival, the Mayor found them committing 
all kinds of enormities, and indulging in every species of excess. 
He tried, with money and fair words, to win them from their pur- 
pose and induce them to return peaceably home; but they turned 
a deaf ear to all his offers. He accordingly returned to the City. 
After his departure they began to think, and were further con- 

1 City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 301, App. (I). 2 Id. p. 3136. 

3 I. e. " delivered." 

4 Sir William Paston resided at Oxnead, near Aylsham. 


vinced of this by certain men coming to them from the City with 
small boughs in their hands (which was the sign agreed upon), 
that if they remained any longer scattered one from another, they 
would without difficulty be overcome : it seemed, therefore, very 
desirable that they should all be collected into one place, and no 
longer continue dispersed, as hitherto they had been. With this 
view they proceeded to Eaton Wood, which, after a careful survey, 
they found unfit and inconvenient for pitching their camp : it was 
then unanimously agreed that they should go at once to Mouse- 
hold Heath and make that their fixed abode. Without delay 1 
they sent to the Mayor messengers, who said " That they were 
desirous of passing quietly through the City, because that way 
was the easiest and most convenient for them; 3 they would not 
do harm or injury to any one, and hoped he would allow them 
to do as they proposed." 1 The Mayor replied, "Since the dis- 
position with which they were actuated towards the State was 
decidedly hostile, he would not allow them to pass through the 
City." He then upbraided them with " many sharpe and bitter 
checks for their disorders," * as men that were seditious, and 
desirous of disturbing and throwing all things into confusion. He 
further endeavoured to deter them from their enterprise, by 
telling them, as they would soon find by experience, that such 

1 Nevylle. 

2 "For that theyr mest (sic) way lay through the Cytye they cravid Lyscens" to 
pass through it. Nicholas SotTierton. 

3 A similar application had been made by the insurgents in Yorkshire, as appears 
from the following document, preserved in the Treas. of Kec. of Exchequer : 


" MY Lord Mayre and all the commons. "We have us commendyd unto youe and 
Require youe to send us word by this same berer or yet by whom please youe to New- 
burgh to morrow nexte aganste nyght whether youe wooll peaseable suffer us to passe 
throgh this the King's citie with your favore or not, if case soo require and at New- 
borowe at the "White Lyon shall a post be redy from us to receive your answer. And 
thus fare you well ffrom Beverley this morning in hast. 

" by the commons assemblied ther." 

4 Nicholas Sotherton. 


attempts would most surely have a bad ending. His words only 
made them more resolute than when they had come to him. Being 
thus disappointed, they spent that night in Eaton Wood. 

The same day (July 9th), when the aldermen and principal 
citizens had again met in council, the Mayor related what had 
taken place between himself and the rebels. 

The following item l 

" For drynke in the Counsell Chambyr the is and x days "1 

of July ] ,,,, vj 

shows that the deliberation thereupon ensuing was very long, and 
that it continued during the following day, there being much diver- 
sity of opinion as to what was best to be done. Some thought no 
time should be lost, but that they should be, if possible, dispersed 
at once ; since, if they were not, it was likely they would, under 
the influence of their excited feelings, bring ruin upon the whole 
county. Others, however, thought that while the affair was one of 
the greatest danger, it was one that needed the most careful con- 
sideration and the most prudent counsels, to bring matters to a 
happy termination. " It is very true," they said, 3 " that this dis- 
position to be quick in resisting them proceeds from a high and 
courageous spirit ; still we cannot help thinking it a rash and 
dangerous course to adopt, in fact, just that course, the whole 
praise or blame of which would depend upon the result, which at 
the best was doubtful, and most frequently was unfavourable. 
Wherefore, we advise that you fortify the city, appoint watch and 
ward, and dispose the citizens along the walls and in all suitable 
places. And, since by law it is forbidden to collect an armed force 
without the King's command, we think no attempt should be made 
to put the rebels down, but that we ought to wait until we learn 
what his wishes are, and receive authority from him to act." 

This proposal was acceded to, as the one most suitable to the 
peculiar and trying circumstances in which they were placed. It 

1 City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 301. 2 Nevylle. 


might, to the more high-spirited and energetic of the citizens, savour 
of timidity, and seem a course unworthy of them, as intrusted with the 
government and preservation of the city and its inhabitants ; it was 
one, too, that might excite a suspicion in high quarters, of their being 
inclined to favour the insurgents, of " the towne being confederat with 
them," 1 and of their failing to do their duty in suppressing the com- 
motion ; but the cautious rather than bold policy prevailed, and no 
other steps were taken than those already mentioned. 

On the llth of July, Sir Roger Wodehouse, Knt., 2 taking his 
household servants with him and three carts, two laden with beer and 
a third with provisions, followed the rebels, with the view of endeavour- 
ing to dissuade them from their undertaking, imagining that they 
being his near neighbours 3 would have had respect to his kindness, 
and have minded his persuasions ; but, on the contrary, they seized 
him, stripped him of his apparel, took his horses and all he had from 
him, cruelly tugged and cast him into a ditch of one Morricc's, of 
Nether-Earlham, by Hellesdon Bridge, and would there have slain 
him, had it not been for his servant's courage, who could not, how- 
ever, free him from their hands ; but his life was spared, and he was 
carried off as a prisoner and detained in custody by the insurgents. 

The following extract from the "Wodehousc's Pedigree contains a 
poetical version of this affair : 

" His son Sir Eoger was, that Little hight, 4 
Who what he wants in bulk makes up in spright; 5 
Which caused him to resist the Eebell rout 
Of Kett and his comrades, who were about 

1 Journal of Edward VI. 2 Blomefield's Hist, of Norfolk, vol. i. p. 759. 

3 He resided at Kimberley, about four miles from Wymondham. " The first seat 
here belonged to the Fastolff family, and stood on the west side of the village, until Sir 
John Wodehouse, who married the heiress of Sir John Fastolff, demolished it, and erected 
a moated hall,with a tower, at the west end of the park. * * * Queen Elizabeth, in 
her progress through Norfolk, in 1578, lodged here, where a noble throne (still preserved) 
was erected for her reception, covered with crimson velvet, and richly embroidered with 
gold." White's Norfolk Directory : Kimberley. 

4 I. e. " was called." * I. e. " spirit." 

F 2 


To maim him, but's ' man Edgerly 2 the stout 
Him rescued, whilst courageously he fought. 
His servant's valiant act and loyaltye 
He recompenced with forty pounds in Fee : 
Which at this day they enjoy, and still inherit, 
And to the house still keep their honest spirit." '' 

The same day, the insurgents, having failed to obtain "the 
Lyscens " they had " cravid " to pass through " the Cytye," the grant- 
ing of " which, for want of warrant therefore from the Prynce, not 
knowing what might chance, was adjudged a doughbtful enterpryse, 
until further commission from the Prince,"* determined to pass over 
Hellesdon Bridge : its narrowness proving a hindrance, especially for 
their horses and waggons, they threw into the river great quantities 
of timber, especially faggots and trunks of trees, by means of which 
they, with all their horses and baggage, speedily passed over. That 
night they spent at Drayton, and the next day, July 12th, proceeded 
towards Household, pulling down all the hedges they met with. They 
also carried out their threat, given shortly before, of defacing the Dove 
Cote, that had formerly been a chapel, belonging to John Corbet, 
of Sprowston, whose goods they also spoiled ; and wherever they came 
they did the like. 

This destruction of the Dove Cote might, at first sight, seem to 
have been only a piece of wanton mischief ; but in reality dove-cotes 
were considered as grievances, as appears from the following extract 
from Kett's petition to the King : 5 

" We pray that no man under the degre of a knyght or esquyer, kepe a dowe 
house, except it hath byn of an ould ancuyent costome ; " 

and their destruction of this particular one was an example of their 
own rough way of remedying this grievance. 

Having reached Household, they took possession of the hill called 

1 I. e. " but his." 

- The last of this man's descendants died about 1730, and the estate lay in Eunhall. 

3 Blomefield, vol. i. p. 759. 

4 Nicholas Sotherton. * Harl. MSS. No. 304, fol. 75. 


{f^W.^tJ:' ~: ; 













Mount Surrey, 1 " for that there uppon, in the place sometime called 
St. Leonards, there was a place after the manner of a pilgrymage, 3 for 
resort of people for dyvers diseases, in which place the late Erie of 
Surrey dysceacid had buildyd a very pleasant, large, and goodly place, 
calling it Mount Surreye." 3 This hill is separated from Norwich hy 
the river Wensum, which flows at the foot of it : towards the south it 
was bounded by Thorpe and Thorpe wood, and towards the north and 
east lay Mousehold Heath/ extending three or four miles in length and 
breadth. The discontented, the desolate and oppressed, those for whom 
no man had cared, had now their " camp," as such gatherings were 
called; and having this, great numbers from Norfolk, Suffolk, and 
other parts, joined them daily ; blazing beacons and pealing bells 
spreading the tidings that the men of Norfolk had raised a standard, 
round which all such might gather ; and far and wide was the 
rumour sent, and thronging multitudes came pouring in from quiet 
villages and market towns, the peaceful abodes of humble rustics 
and simple-minded farmers, hitherto content with complaining, but 
now roused to action, as the distant beacon sent its glare across the 
landscape, or as the village bells, hitherto associated only with days of 
holy rest, and happy times forgotten now in the wild storm of social 
excitement in which they were living, summoned them away to join 
the bold spirits gathering on Mousehold Heath. 

In order & " to have a fayre shew and similitude of well doinge, they 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 

2 For an account of St. Leonard's Priory, see Appendix (F). 

3 " "Which standing uppon the brow of an hy hyll had the Tyver (sic) beneth yt, 
betwixt the City of Norwich in the "West syde thereof." Nicholas Sotherton. 

4 " Mousehold, or as it is commonly called Mussel-hill, is a large heath now, but was 
most of it wood formerly, and is about four or five miles in length and breadth. 
Alexander Nevylle calls it Muscosus Mons, the Mossy Hill, and would have it called 
Moss-wold, from the moss growing on it, and " wold " signifying a hilly country void of 
wood ; but as it is certain this was a wood, that etymology will not bear. I take the 
proper name to be, as it is often written in evidences very ancient, Monks-hold, it 
belonging in a great measure to the Norwich monks, who had a cowherd to keep their 
cattle there." BlomefieU. 

5 Nicholas Sotherton 


first procurd a Priyst to mynister thyer morninge and evening prayer 
in the Inglish tonge, then newly begon l to bee frequentyd :" their 
chaplain was Thomas Coniers, minister of St. Martin's, on the Palace 
Plain, who was constrained by them to pray to God that their enter- 
prise might prosper. A strange proceeding this, if we are to regard 
these men as the ready perpetrators of every species of crime, the 
daring violators of all laws, human and divine, the followers of the 
most abandoned wretch that ever lived, as Nevylle would have us 
believe. Such a step as this showed plainly that the leaders of this 
movement were thoroughly in earnest ; that so far from being anxious 
about " the old religion," they accepted and availed themselves of the 
"new forme" recently established; "the iron had entered into their 
soul," and stirred their inmost nature ; they were determined to act, to 
do their part in obtaining redress ; but feeling that this would be of no 
avail without God's blessing, they committed their cause to Him, and 
morning and evening was His help invoked. At the same time, there 
is no difficulty in believing that many amongst that vast multitude, 
instead of being actuated by any sentiments of this kind, would regard 
the present only as a favourable opportunity for indulging in those 
excesses, which always accompany popular tumults. They also 
joined to their cause, or rather made them in appearance join, divers 
persons who were esteemed for religion, doctrine, virtue, and innocency 
of life ; among whom were Robert Watson, Thomas Codd, mayor, and 
Thomas Aldrich, of Mangreen Hall, Swardeston. 

Of Robert Watson, it was recorded in the Norwich Roll, 3 that he 
was " a newe Preacher," one in great estimation with all men, whose 
persuasions they somewhat liked, and therefore chose him to give them 
spiritual counsel, and to be as an umpire in all consultations, by whose 
counsel and advice Coniers was procured, who both morning and even- 
ing called them to prayer, and the preacher gave them many good 

1 The Order of Common Prayer was drawn up in English, and " prepared to be 
confirmed and enacted by the Parliament that sat Nov. 24th, 1548 ; when the use of it 
was by law enjoined, and to commence at Whitsuntide following, 1549." Strype's JEccles. 
Mem. vol. ii. book I. ch. 2. 

2 Now, unfortunately, no longer in existence. 


admonitions, hoping by this means to recall them, whom afterwards 
they imprisoned. It was to this Mr. Watson the undermentioned 
commission was directed : l 

" Itm. gaf in reward the xiij day of July to pursevant ^ 

Grove, who brought a Comyssyon to Mr. Watson I i ., 

under the gret sele of Inglond for reformacon of f 
dyv" thyngs J 

The arrival of this commission probably the one promised by 
the Protector at the commencement of the month was an event of no 
slight importance, as appears from the next item : l 

" Itm. to Pynchyns wyff for brede and drynke in the- 
Cownsell Charabyr that day and for Candyll lyght 
above and byneth, the Cownsell syttyng all that day 
and nyght tyll aftyr mydnyght 

We might imagine, from the exceeding importance of this docu- 
ment, it would be preserved among the City muniments ; but it is no 
longer in existence. After the delivery of this, the pursuivant re- 
turned to London the following night.' 

" Itm. for a man and ij horses to brynge y e forsayd purse- ~) ~~ _ 

vant to Attylburgh the xiiij daye at nyght i 

The next item can be connected with the rebellion only upon 
the supposition that " long Lawrence," being the Council's messenger, 
was sent on so many errands that they could not do otherwise than 
reward his activity : 

" Itm. the same daye to long laurens for a payer of Shoes ") ~ 

by comandm 1 of the Cownsell ) 

1 City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 301. 2 Id. p. 303. 


The other two associated with Kett were Thomas Codd, 1 the 
mayor, and Thomas Aldrich, 2 " a man of good wisdome and honesty, 
and welbeloved." 3 These three were compelled, much against their 
will, to be present at their councils, and to undertake, in conjunction 
with Kett, the administration of their affairs, a circumstance which 
subsequently proved very advantageous, " for that att ech time the 
said Kett wolde by his sinister will with his adherents command eny 
unlawfull things to bee done in the contry, the seid Thomas Aldrich 
did let and pacific the controversies therein. And allsoe the sayd Ket 
&c. willed the like doing in Norwich that did Thomas Codd lett ; and 
in that they together agreid not in, that did Robert Watson, the 
preacher, by his perswasion lett." 4 And though the proceedings of 
Kett were of an " inordinate " character, " in commanding precepts 
to attach Gentlemen prisoners ; others to provide viand for theyr 
returne, that is bred come, and drinke, some to bee baken and breud ; 5 
others to goe in commyssion to lay open common growndes ; others 
to encrease theyr numbers : yet in these things the seid Mr. Codd, Mr. 
Aldrich, and the seid Mr. Wattson, were partley faine to agree, lest 
they being out of favour and place, others might come to bring all 
things out of frame that now might partly bee well framid. And the 
rather they assentid to keepe the people in better order, during answer 
from, the Prynce what ells they might furder doe." 

Besides this Great Camp, as that on Mousehold was called, there 
was a less one formed at Rising Chase, in the neighbourhood of Castle 
Rising, 6 by the insurgents of Lynn, Downham, and other places. 

1 For an account of Thomas Codd, see Appendix (G). 

- " Thomas Aldrich, mayor in 1507 and 1516. He resided at Mangreen [Hall,] 
and was much esteemed by all classes. During Kett's Rebellion he was of great service 
to the City, frequently acting as mediator between the rebels and the citizens. In 1559 
he was buried in Swardestone church." Norf. Archasol. vol. iii. p. 187. 

3 Nicholas Sotherton. * Idem. 

6 In the Appendix (H) I hare given " The Town Accounts of North Elmham, 
relative to Kett's Rebellion," wherein mention is repeatedly made of provisions sent to 
the Camp, and evidently for the use of the rebels. 

6 Blomefield (vol. ii. p. 158) considers this gathering at Castle Rising to have been 
preceded by one that took place before Kett's Rebellion; but his arguments are so 
unsatisfactory, that, unwilling as I am to contradict so good an authority, I have arrived 


" 1549. John Marcanter Mayor. This year was St. James's Church pulled down, 
and the Commons of Norfolk did rebell, and kept their Camp at Moushoud beayde 
Norwidge and Rysing besyde Linn. Captain Kett was the Chief of the Rebelles." ' 

" Ite. pd. the same daye (July 15) to Mr. Powte that broughte to Dounam 
campe, iiij d ." '' 

With regard to this camp, it may be observed that there is still 
an oak 3 at Ryston, about three miles from Downham, called Kett's 
Oak, from those who afterwards joined Kett on Household having 
encamped about it ; these, with others from the neighbouring places, 
collected at Castle Rising, but, by the active exertions of the gentry, 
were speedily dispersed. They re-assembled at Watton, and remained 
there about a fortnight, stopping the passage across the river at 
Brandon Ferry and Thetford ; at length, by Kett's order, they joined 
him at his Great Camp. 

At the same time, there were disturbances at Cambridge and in 
Suffolk. At Cambridge, 4 July 10th, a hundred persons or more met 
together with a drum, and proceeded to pull down the fences of a 
close at Barnwell, belonging to Bailiff Smyth. The Mayor went after 
them to prevent mischief, and was followed by the Vice-chancellor and 

at the conclusion he was mistaken. He mentions the collections in the City Churches, 
and the fire in Conisford, as proving the correctness of his assertion ; but it may be 
answered, though the account of these collections precedes " Other mynute expenses hade 
and p a betwyxt mydsom r and myhelmes," and so favour the idea of their having beeu 
made before midsummer, 1549 ; on examination it will be found that they follow 
" receipts for the last half year " ending at Michaelmas 1549, and payments that were 
made when the rebellion had come to an end. While the " fire " is mentioned several 
times, and is distinctly attributed to the rebels; as will be seen by referring to the 
Appendix (I), City Chamberlain's Accompts, pp. 287, 304, 304J, 305J. 

1 Copied from a vellum roll of the mayors of Lynn, prepared in the year 1597. 

2 Household Accounts of Lestrange of Hunstanton. Archasol, xxv. p. 557. 

3 The following extract relating to this oak, taken from the " Magna Britannia," 
vol. iii. p. 348, 1724, is evidently incorrect. " Between this place and West Dereham, 
our chorographers place Kett's Oak, or as he called it, the Oak of Reformation, where 
Comers, the chaplain of the rebels, read prayers and preached, and their court set to 
administer justice and regulate disorders. Dr. Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, after- 
wards preached to the rebels under this tree, and exhorted them to be quiet, and lay down 
their arms, but it had almost cost him his life." 

4 Annals of Cambridge, vol. ii. p. 36, by C. H. Cooper, Esq., F.S.A. 



Heads. The Vice-chancellor and Mayor met twice that day in St. 
Mary's Church, respecting the business, " and at length were hardlye 
pacyfyed." 1 On the 13th of July, Somerset 3 wrote to the Vice-chan- 
cellor and Mayor, and, having commended their " wyse dealing " with 
those who had been " attempting disclosures and rernedyes of their 
owne greifes," urged them so to behave as might " best tend to the 
comon quiett." From the Treasurer's accounts, in which is mentioned 
the charge " for carying out of Gallows and a newe rope," it seems 
that though some of the insurgents were pardoned, in compliance with 
Cecil's request, 3 yet that others paid the extreme penalty of the law. 
While with regard to the people of Suffolk, the following letter 
from the Council to the Princess Mary * shows not only that the 
Devonshire rising 5 was known by them, but also that it was supposed 
they were encouraged by Mary, whose residence at Kenninghall 6 would 
easily have enabled her to countenance the attempts of those seditiously 
disposed, if she had been inclined to do so. 7 

" After our due commendations unto your Grace : the same doth 
understand (we doubt nott) the seditious assemblees, tumults and 

1 Dr. Lamb's Cambridge Documents, 119, 120, quoted by C. H. Cooper, Esq., 
vol. ii. p. 36. 2 For Somerset's Letter, see Appendix (K). 

3 For Somerset's letter to " Cicill," see Appendix (L). 

4 State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. vol. viii. No. 31. July xviij. 1549. 

5 See Appendix (M) for a concise account of this rising. 

6 It was this circumstance that " gave some umbrage to these jealousies against 
her." Strype. 

7 On the attainder of Thomas, duke of Norfolk, Kenninghall palace was seized by 
Henry the Eighth, and settled on the then Lady Mary, who kept her court here. 

Afterwards it was in Queen Elizabeth's hands, who was often here : she it was that 
ordered her tenant Chapman, who then lived in Fersfield Lodge, to lay out the way now 
called Chapman's Entry, out of her own ground, the old way being so strait that the 
Queen could not conveniently pass through it : it is now disused, and is called Queen 
Bess's Lane, from her being scratched with the brambles in riding through it, as tradition 
tells us. It continued in the Norfolk family as their capital seat in this county, till early 
in the eighteenth century, when it was pulled down, and the materials sold for a trifle, 
with which great numbers of chimnies and walls in the neighbourhood are built, aa is 
evident from the Mowbraya' and Arundels' arms which are upon the bricks." Blomefield's 
Norfolk: KenningTiall. 


other unlawful! doings of many in sundry places of the realme 
directly against God, against the allegeance to the King's majesty, 
and the Common Wealth * of the realme ; for the stay whereof, lyke as 
we have doon and from tyme to tyrne will by the ayd of God doo 
all that in us may he ; so nothing doubting but your Grace is of the 
same good will and disposition, we coud not but advertise you of that 
we have heard of certain servants of yours, who be reported unto us 
to be chief stirrers, procurators and doers in these commotions, where- 
of one is a Priest and Chapleyn of your Grace's in Devonshire, being 
att Sandford Courtney in Devonshire, and one other servant of yours 
in Suff. called Pooley, late a receyvour, who is reported to be not 
only a Captayn of the worst sort of them that be assembled in Suff., 
but also to be of such creditt amongs the assembles of these rebelles 
in all other places as his Passport only may give good security to goo 
and come as they will even to Devonshire : we hear also of one other 
houshold servant of your's, called Byonell, and of great lyk creditt 
amongs the rebells in Suff. 2 And albeit we think your grace hath no 
certain knowledge of these your servants doings, yet for that your 
proceedings in matters of religion be such as are openly known to be 
against the proceedings of the King's Majesty and the hole realme, 
and such as (we fear) have given no small courage to many of these 
men to require and do as they do, We thought necessarie not only 
to give your Grace notice of the premisses, and that in many places 
they seame to take both example and great courage of their doings, 
but also to pray you to give such order for the stay of your servants 
so as they would have no occasion to judge that any towards you shuld 
be doers in thies tilings against his Majesty." But she presently 
vindicated herself and her servants, and declared her dislike of these 
practices by an earnest letter, written July 20, being the same day she 

1 For an interesting use of this expression, see Appendix (N). 

2 There was undoubtedly strong suspicion entertained that the Lady Mary was impli- 
cated ; for, in addition to the above, a letter (July sixth) of Sir Thomas Smith's, described 
as " one of England's most upright and able statesmen " (Patr. Frazer Tytler), is preserved 
at the St. P. Off. Dom. Edw. VI. vol. viii. No. 33), in which he says, " Illud de Mario, 
vel Marianis,me valde angit, immo prope exanimat. Faxit Deus Opt. Max. pro sua dementia 
malum id avertat." 3 Strype's Mem. Eccles. vol. ii. pt. I. c. 21. 

G 2 ' 


received the Council's. Por first, as to her servants, she showed 1 " how 
she had not one chaplain in those parts ; that Pooly remained con- 
tinually in her house, and was never doer among the commons, nor 
came into their company. It is true she had another servant of that 
name dwelling in Suffolk, and whether the commons had taken him 
or no, she could not tell ; but by report they had taken by force many 
gentlemen in those quarters, and used them very cruelly, and perhaps 
so he might be served. That as for the third, she could not but 
marvel at the bruit of him, especially because he dwelt within two 
miles of London, and was not acquainted with the shires of Suffolk or 
Norfolk, nor at any time came into those parts but when he waited 
upon her at her house, .and was then at London about her business ; 
being also a man not at all apt or meet for such purposes, but given 
to as much quietness as any within her house. She added, that it 
troubled her to hear such reports of any of hers, and especially where 
no cause was given ; trusting that her household should try 3 themselves 
true subjects to the King's Majesty, and honest, quiet persons, or else 
she would be loath. 

" And as for herself, she assured the Protector that these stirs did 
not less offend her than him and the rest of the Council. And for 
Devonshire, no indifferent person could lay their doings to her charge, 
for she had neither land nor acquaintance in that country. And 
whereas they charged her, that her proceedings in matters of religion 
should have given no small courage to many of those men to require, 
and to do, as they did ; that, she said, appeared to be most untrue, for 
that all the rising about the parts where she was, was touching no part 
of religion. But even as they ungently, and without desert, charged 
her, so she omitted so fully to answer it as the cause required, and 
would pray God that their new alterations and unlawful liberties were 
not rather the occasions of these assemblies than her doings, who was, 
God she took to witness, inquieted therewith." 

The following extracts from the Register of the Privy Council 
show very plainly the disturbed state of Suffolk : 

' " E MSS. Eev. Pair. D. Johanu. Episcop. Elien." Strype. 2 I. e. " prove." 


a I 

The same threasurer " (Mr. Peckham) " had warrant for 
C mks to Sir Anthony Wyngfeld, sent into Suff. for the stay of that 
Shire. Aug. iij, 1549." l 

" Mr. Carew had warrant for iij" vj 9 viij d to one Wood 
by way of reward, and Love, Breton and Myller forty shillings 
a pece, so also in reward for service done in pacifying the commo- 
tions in Suffolk. Aug. x." 

" Mr. Williams had warrant for x 1 ' to Mr. Taswall for his peynes 
riding to Suffolk and returning again about the pacifying of the com- 
motions there, to be repayed of the sales. Aug. x." 3 

" The same threasurer " (Mr. Williams) " had warrant for 
xij 1 ' X s to Thomas Drurry in Reward to him and his Band for thappre- 
hension of one Peyn, a notable Rebell of Suff. This of the 
sales. Aug. xij." 4 

" Mr. Williams had warrant for v h to Mr. Cecill delyverecl by 
him to one of Mr. Rouses servantes in reward for bringing hither a 
Rebell out of Suff. Aug. xiij." 5 

"The same threasurer" (Mr. Williams) "had warrant for xl s to 
William Cecill of the sales geven by him in reward for a servant of 
Sir Anthony Wingfeldes that brought a stranger hyther out of 
Suff. Aug. xx." 6 

" Sir John Williams had warrant for v b to Mr. Cycill payed by 
him, viz. iij" to Sir Thomas Wentworth that brought a prisoner 
out of Suff., and xl 5 to a servant of Sir Anthony Wingfeldes for 
bringing to the Court one Sherman a Rebell." 

" Thomas Persee had warrant for xxrf vj s viij 4 , viz. to William 
Barnard for apprehending a notable Rebell and carrying him to be 
hanged at Brandon fery, v u to Mr. Walpole for xxx 8 in reward 
to serten persones of Bury * * * * xxx" to John Hurless for 
apprehension of serten seditious persons. * * * xix. Aug." 7 

" Mr. Williams had warrant for v" to Edmund Moon, for the 

1 Edw. VI. vol. i. p. 557. 2 Vol. i. p. 561. * Vol. i. p. 561. 

4 Vol. i. p. 562. 5 Vol. i. p. 564. Vol. i. p. 566. 7 Vol. i. p. 570. 


bringing hither out of Suff., by the order of the Lord Protector's 
Grace and Counsel, of one Richard Wade. xxi. Aug." l 

"Thomas Persee had warrant * * * for xx s to Richard 
Wade, sent hyther out of Suff. and accused as a styrrer of se- 
dicion, whereof he hath cleared himself. And for xl 3 to serten 
men of Sudbury for bringing up of one Thomson, a sedicious 
person. xxij Aug." 

"Warrant to for v 1 ' to Sir Anthony Wingfield 

for bringing iij prysoners out of Suff., and to Christofer Lees 
and John Sutton for bringing a prisoner out of the same counte, 
xx 3 . xij Nov." 3 

And when the commotion in Norfolk had been put down, 
and the leaders had perished, " light ffellowes " still persisted in 
going about the country, influenced by the prophecies current at 
the time, and desirous of stirring up others to do as, it may be, 
they themselves had done in the troubles shortly before ended. 

" Lettres * to Sir John Gates to apprehend certeyn light ffellowes 
that came out of Suff. to Wyttam in Essex, where they drynke 
all day and looke uppon bookes in the night, texamyn them, take 
their bookes, and send them up with their examinacions, and put 
them in sure hold. viii March " [1550]. 

But to return : as soon as the report of the camp at Household 
reached Suffolk, the people collected in great numbers, and assailing 
Yarmouth suddenly, surprised and seized the two bailiffs, John 
Myllicent and Nicholas Penn, Esqrs., 5 by whom it was governed ; but 
these afterwards escaped, and exerted themselves with their fellow- 
townsmen so effectually, as will be seen by referring to a subsequent 
page, that the insurgents left this part of the county, and joined 

1 Edw. VI. vol. i. p. 572. 2 Vol. i. p. 573. s Vol. ii. p. 34. 

4 Privy Council Register, Edw. VI. vol. ii. p. 113. 

5 Swinden's History of Great Yarmouth. 

6 For this service they received the following letter from the lords of the Privy 
Council : 

"After our hearty commendations. "We have received advertisement by the bearer 
Thomas "Woodhouse, that ye have very honestly kept the town against the rebels ; your 


Kett at his Great Camp, where he was now so well established, with 
thousands flocking to his standard and Norwich itself at his command, 
that he felt in a position to issue warrants in the following form : 

" "We, the King's friends and deputies, do grant license to all men 
to provide and bring into the Camp at Household all manner of cattle 
and provision of vittels, in what place soever they may find the same, 
so that no violence or injury be done to any honest or poor man : 
commanding all persons, as they tender the King's honor and roiall 
majestic, and the reliefe of the Common Welthe, to be obedient to us 
the Governors, and to those whose names ensue. 

(Signed) " ROBT. KETT." l 

The names of the delegates were also appended two from each 

Having thus attended to the commissariat, his next step was to 
draw up a list of grievances, the most important document connected 
with the rising, and which, fortunately, is still in existence. It com- 
mences with the names of the deputies or delegates from twenty-two 

diligence therein we take in good part towards you, and require a continuance in you for 
the same, and now that "Woodhouse cometh down thither, who is vice-admiral, the same is 
instructed for the order of the ships and mariners, which you shall follow. And con- 
sidering that the port of Yarmouth is towards the country of Scotland, and so most likely 
to attempt matter against, it shall be best that you have a special regard unto it and 
namely to keep your mariners together for the service of the King's Majesty as occasion 
may require thus fare you heartily well. 

" Tour loving frends 

" E. SOMERSET, &c." 
" From Westminster, 26. July, 1549." 

Swinden's Hist, of G. Yarmouth. 

1 " Nos Kegis amici ac Delegati : pecoris et cujusvis generis commeatus conquirendi, 
necnon in castra Mousholdica deferendi potestatem omnibus concedimus, quocunque in 
loco deprehenderint, dummodonequa visaut injuria honesto ac pauperi cuipiam inferatur. 
Cunctis ex imperio denuntiantes, prout honor! ac Majestati EegisB, Eeique public* 
afflicte, provisum et consultum volunt, nobis Delegatis, et his quorum nomina subse- 
quuntur dicto audientes esse. 

MomefieWs Norf. Nevylle. 


hundreds in Norfolk, and one only from Suffolk, 1 and is drawn up in 
the form of a petition : 

" We pray your grace that where it is enacted for inclosyng, that 
it be not hurtfull to suche as have enclosed saffren 2 grounds, for they 
he gretly chargeablye to them, and that frome hensforth noman shall 
enclose eny more. 

" We certifle your grace that where as the lords of the manours 
hath byn charged w l certe fre rent, 3 the same lords hath sought 
meanes to charge the freholders to pay the same rent, contrarye to right. 

" We pray your grace that no lord of no manner shall comon 
uppon the Comons. 4 

" We pray that prests frome hensforth shall purchase no londs 
neyther ffre nor Bondy, and the lands that they have in possession 
may be letten to temporall men, as they have bye- (sic) wer in the 
fyrst yere of the reign of Kyng henry the vij th . 5 

1 Harl. MSS. 304, fo. 75. The names will be found in Appendix (O). The list is 
evidently incomplete, as Nevylle says twenty-six hundreds were represented, whereas only 
twenty-two are mentioned in the MS. It may be interesting to state, that though it has 
the appearance of having been injured by fire, and is in parts defective, it is, upon the 
whole, very legible, and in a fair state of preservation. The signatures are very firmly 
and plainly written. 

2 This word is far from being clear in the original : one conjecture is " saifren," 
though it seems scarcely credible that " saffron " could have been of so much importance 
that the enclosing of " saffron grounds " could be a grievance. Another conjecture is, 
" sufficient," though it is difficult to see how this agrees with the rest. In the Instruc- 
tions issued July, 1549 (State P. Off. Dom. Edw. VI. vol. viii. No. 10), there is no 
mention either of " saffren " or " sufficient " grounds. 

3 The "fre rent" was the rent due from a lord of a manor to the superior lord 
under whom he held it : he was bound to pay this himself, and not to exact it of others. 

4 This was clearly a grievance, and one they were perfectly justified in complaining of. 

5 It is difficult to account for this grievance, unless we assume that " prests" having 
land in their possession neglected their spiritual duties : the latter part, fixing a limit to 
the rent, was an error in judgment, which we shall be the more inclined to excuse if we 
bear in mind that at this very time wages were fixed by law (25 Edw. III. stat. 1, c. 1 4) . 
It seemed to them unreasonable that there should be no restrictions on rent, while there 
were restrictions, and those, too, of old date (and therefore not adapted to the times) 
upon the remuneration of those by whom that land was cultivated. 


" We pray that Redeground and mcdowe grounde may be at 
suche price as they wer in the first yere of Kyng henry the vij 11 '. 1 

" We pray that all marshysshe that ar holden of the Kyngs 
majestie by ffre rent or of eny other, may be ageyn at the price that 
they wer In the ffirst yere of King henry the vij"'. 

" We pray that all Bushells w'in your realme be of one stice, that 
is to sey, to be in mesure viij gallons. 2 

" We pray that [prests] or vicars that be [not able] to preche 
and sett forth the woorde of god to hys parisheners may be thereby 3 
putt from hys benyfice, and the parisheners there to chose an other 
or else the pateron or lord of the towne. 4 

1 We have here, and in the following article, a similar error in judgment. 
2 t T his was in strict accordance with Magna Charta, e. sxv., which appoints that 
" One measure of Wine shall be through our Realm, and one measure of Ale, and one 
measure of Corn, that is to say, the Quarter of London ; and one breadth of dyed Cloth, 
Russets, and Haberjects, that is to say, two yards within the Hats ; and it shall be of 
Weights as it is of Measures." 

The following differences in the bushel may be mentioned as showing the existence of 
the above grievance still : 

At Gloucester the bushel of wheat weighs 60 Ib. 

Birmingham 62 

Newcastle-on-Tyne 63 

Liverpool 70 

Newcastle-ou-Tyne barley 56 

Birmingham 42 

and probably other examples might be given. 

The same might be said of other measures, nominally the same, but in reality widely 
and inconveniently differing ; the fact being, that while there is one established by law, 
there are others which owe their origin and authority to custom. 

3 I. e. " Because of this inability to discharge their duties," of which there was too 
good reason to complain at this time. 

4 There are two ways in which we may regard this grievance : 

a. Directly, as a sincere desire on the part of Kett that the clergy should 
discharge their duties ; but that if, as was the case with too many, they could 
not, then their livings should be voided, and given to other and better 
men ; or 

6. Indirectly, as showing a feeling which they dare not openly express, in favour 
of the " old religion," the prominent putting forward of the incompetency of 
their present " prests and vicars," being intended as a compliment to and an 
expression of their affection for, those who had in time past filled these oflices. 

H The 


" We pray tliat the payments of castillward rent, 1 and blanche 
f Ferine, 9 and office lands, 15 which hath byn accostoraed to lie gathered 
of the tenaments, where as we suppose the lords ought to pay the 
same to ther balyffs for ther rents gatberyng, and not the tents. 4 

" We pray that woman under the degre of a knyght or csquyer 
kepe a dowe howse, 5 except it hath byn of an ould anchyent costome." 

" We pray that all ffreholders and copieholders may take tlie 
profights of all cofnons, and ther loi'dn (w;) to couion, and the lords 
not to comon nor take profights of the same. 7 

The former seems the more correct view; since it is incredible that, while in many 
other parts of the kingdom, and especially in Devonshire, nt this very time, spiritual 
grievances were boldly alleged as justifying rebellion, the people of Norfolk, as repre- 
sented by Kett and his Governours, should have been guilty of such moral cowardice as 
to be afraid to state distinctly what they had to complain of. Had such a course been 
suggested, one may easily imagine Kett as exclaiming, " Such counsels are fit for tame 
fools." See. p. 29, note. 

1 The lord of a manor was entitled to certain payments for the maintenance of his 
castle. Originally those who held under him were bound, with their retainers, to serve 
in person for a certain time each year : this personal service was afterwards changed into 
a money payment, called " castleward rent." This commutation would be, in two ways, 
a loss to the " teuaments," or tenants: for, first, they would no longer have their annual 
visit to the castle, with the good fare, and other advantages connected therewith ; and, in 
the next place, the lord made them pay this, instead of doing so himself. 

2 When the established rents of the freeholders of a manor were reserved in silver 
or white money, they were anciently called -7Ye-rents, or blanch-farms. Blackstone, 
bk. II. c. 3. 

3 The lands here meant were most probably Crown lands, the rent of which would 
be payable by the lord holding under the Crown. 4 I. e. " tenants." 

5 Their feeling was so strong against such houses, that they called them " dens of 
thieves ;" at which we cannot be surprised, if we bear in mind the quantity of grain doves, 
or more properly pigeons, will consume. 

fi " A lord of a manor may build a dove-coat upon his own land, parcel of the manor ; 
but a tenant cannot without the lord's licence. Any freeholder may build a dove-coat on 
his own ground. And it hath been adjudged that erecting of a dove-house is not a com- 
mon nuisance, nor presentable in the leet. While the destroying of them is punishable ; yet 
if they come upon my land and I kill them, the owner hath no remedy against me : tho' 
I may be liable to the statutes which make it penal to destroy them." Burn's Justice 
of tlie Peace : Game. 

7 This is a repetition of the third Grievance, with the additional mention of those to 
whom they wished the " profights," i. e. profits, of the commons to be confined. 


" We pray that no Pfeodorye l w'in your sheres shalbe a coun- 
eeller to eny man in his office makyng, wherby the Kyng may be 
trulye served, so that a man beeng of good consyence may be yerely 
chosyn to the same office by the comons of the same sheyre." 

"We pray your grace to take all libertie of lete into your owne 
hands wherby all men may quyetly enjoy e ther comons w l all 
profights. 8 

" We pray that copiehould londs that is onrcsonable rented may 
go as it dyd in the first yore of Kyng henry the vij * and that at 
the deth of a tenante or of a sale the same lands to be charged 
w l an esey ffyne as a capon or a resonable [sum] of money for a 
remembraunce. 6 

" We pray that no prest [shall be a chaplain] 6 nor no other 
officer to eny man of honor or wyrshypp but only to be resydent 
uppon ther benefices wherby ther parysheners may be enstructed \v' 
the lawes of god. 

" We pray thatt all bonde men may be made ffre for god made 
all ffre w' his precious blode sheddyng. 7 

1 I.e. " feudatory," or holder of a feud, fief, or fee. 

2 The meaning seems to be, that, in the case of all offices which lasted only for a 
year, the appointment should be, not in the hands of a feudatory, but in those of the 
"comons of the same shevre:" in other words, they thought popular election would 
secure better servants for the King, than private patronage. 

3 The Court Leet " hath cognisance of a great number of ofl'euces both by the 
common law and by statute : but a man cannot be presented in the Leet for surcharging 
the common, or for digging in the common; because this concerns the private, not the 
publiek interest, and belongs rather to the Court Baron to inquire of it. The business of 
the Leet hath declined for many years ; and is devolved on the Quarter Sessions." Burn's 
Justice, of the Peace : Leet. 

From the above Grievance it would seem that there was a disposition on the part of 
those entitled to hold Court Leets, to extend their jurisdiction to the commons, so as to 
interfere with the rights of those entitled to commonage. 

4 This was another error in judgment. 

' In cases of 'fine arbitrary it cannot be more than two years' improved value. 

G This is entirely conjectural, as the original does not afford the slightest clue as to 
what the missing words were. 

" The existence of this article enables us to account for much that otherwise would be 
inexplicable. Taking this as the foundation on which they rested their hopes and claims, 

H 2 


" We pray that Ryvers may be ffre and comon to all men for 

fyshyng and passage. l 

" We pray that noman shalbe put by your Esthetory and 
Efeodarie to ffynde eny office unles he holdeth of your grace in 
cheyff or capite above x u by yere. 3 

" We pray that the pore mariners or Eyshereme may have the 
hole profights 3 of ther fyshyngs as purpres 4 grampes 5 whalles or eny 
grettfyshe so it be not prejudicallto your grace. 6 

we are not surprised at finding indications of deeper seriousness and of a higher tone of 
feeling than usually accompany popular outbreaks : thus, their proceedings were con- 
ducted with a certain measure of order and sobriety ; justice was duly administered 
amongst them, beneath the wide-spreading branches of their Oak of Reformation ; the new 
liturgy, morning and evening, was read amongst them by a regularly appointed chaplain ; 
ministers of the gospel were allowed to address them, and with boldness to rebuke their 
faults, which plainly showed they were not a lawless rabble ; and but few acts of personal 
violence are recorded. But the time had not yet come for " bonde men " to obtain their 
freedom ; years, many years, of fierce contention and of deadly strife would have to pass 
away, and many a hard-fought field be won, before this precious boon would be secured 
to all. The blow thus aimed at the feudal system at present was of no avail ; but after 
the great Puritan struggle, one of the earliest acts Charles II. was to abolish the iniquities 
and oppressions which had, in the course of time, been grafted upon it : " the court of 
wards and liveries, and all wardships, &c., are totally taken away ; as are also all fines for 
alienation, tenures by homage, &c., and aids for marrying the daughter, or knighting the 
son ; and that all sorts of tenures be turned into free and common soccage, save only 
tenures in frankalmoign, copyholds, and the honorary services (without the slavish part) 
of grand serjeanty." 12 Oar. II. c. 24. 

1 " All evil customs concerning * * rivers and their keepers, shall forthwith be 
inquired into, in each county, by twelve knights of the same shire, chosen by the most 
creditable persons in the same county, and upon oath ; and within forty days after the 
said inquest, be utterly abolished, so as never to be restored." Magna Charta, c. Ivi. 
Restrictions on fishing and passage were clearly regarded by Kett as " evil customs," and 
as these still existed, he prayed the King for their removal. 

2 The meaning is far from clear : it may be, " that DO man shall hold any oifice 
himself, or be compelled to find a substitute," unless his holding, feud, fief, or fee, amounted 
to 10 a year. 

3 Profits. 4 Porpoises. 5 Grampuses. 

6 One of the King's prerogatives was, and still is : " The King shall have Wreck of 
the Sea throughout the Eealm, "Whales and great Sturgeons taken in the Sea or elsewhere 
within the Eealm, except in certain Places privileged by the King." 17 Ediv. II. stat. 1, 
c. 11 ; or, The King's Prerogative. 


" We pay y 4 evry propriatorie parson or vicar havyng a benefice 
of x u or more by yere shall eytlier by themselves or by some other 
persone teche pore mens chyldren of ther paryshe the boke called the 
cathakysme l and the prymer. 2 

" We pray that it be not lawfull to the lords of eny mannor to 
purchase londs frely 3 and to lett them out ageyn by copie of court roll 
to ther gret advaunchement and to the undoyng of your pore subjects. 

" We pray that no propriatorie parson or vicar in consideracon 
of advoyding trobyll and sute betwyn them and ther pore parishners 

I am indebted to Chas. John Palmer. Esq., P.S.A., for the following interesting 
information on this Grievance : 

" GREAT YARMOUTH, 1st Mai/, 1859. 

* * * " Whales, sturgeons, porpoises, dolphins, and other fish, ' having in them 
a great or large thickness of fatness,' are called ' Fishes Royal,' and from ancient time 
have, by right or custom, belonged to the Crown. In 1559, Queen Elizabeth, by charter, 
made a grant to the town of Yarmouth, of all fishes royal taken between "Winterton 
Ness in Norfolk, and Easton Ness in Suffolk, which grant was confirmed by James I. in 
1608, and the town enjoyed the privilege, such as it was, till 1835, when the Municipal 
Corporation Act abolished all local admiralty jurisdictions. 

" A few years since (1857), a whale came on shore at AVinterton, and I, as receiver 
of droits for the Crown, reported the circumstance, and was instructed to assert the 
Queen's right to the same, which I did, although the parties who had got possession of 
it were allowed to retain it." 

1 " A Breife Catechisme and Dialogue betwene the Husbande and hyg Wyfe : " also, 
" The instruccyon of the truthe : wherein he teacheth the unlearned man." N. d., but 
published 1545. 

2 " A goodly prymer in Englysshe, newely corrected and prynted, with certeyne godly 
meditations and prayers added to the same, very necessarye and profytable for all them 
that ryghte assuredlye understande not the latine and greke tongues." N. d.,lut 
published in 1535. 

3 /. e. to purchase freehold land and then to make it copyhold, a course of proceeding 
that would give the lord all the privileges to which, under the feudal system, he was 
entitled at the hands of those holding feuds, fiefs, or fees under him. 

It would seem from this, that lords of manors purchased freehold land, and united 
it to the manors they already held, in direct opposition to the two main principles that 
support copyhold tenure ; viz., 

1. That the land be parcel of, and situate within, the manor under which it is 
held ; and 

2. That it has been demised, or demisable, by copy of court-roll immemorially. 
Blackstone' s Commentaries, bk. II. c. 6. 


whiche they daly do precede and attempt shall from hensforth take 
for the full contentacon of all the tenthes which nowe they do receyve 
hut viij d of the noble in the full discharge of all other tythes. 1 

"We pray that no man under the degre of shall 

kepe eny conyes upon any of ther owne frehold or copiehold onlcs he 
pale them in so that it shall not be to the comons noysoyns.- 

" We pray that no person of what estate degre or condicion he be 
shall from hensforth sell the adwardshyppe of eny chyld ' hut that the 

1 The wording is, unfortunately, so obscure, that it is difficult to determine the 
meaning. It is probablv, however, a foreshadowing of Tithe Commutation, the levying 
of tithes in kind having invariably been accompanied with much '' trobyll and sute " 
between the clergy and their parishioners. 

Co\vper, in his " Yearlv Distress, or, Tithing-Time at Stock [-HarwardJ, in Essex," 
hns graphically, though somewhat coarsely, described this 'trulnll ; "- 

" Come ponder well, for 'tis no jest. 

To laugh it would be wrong ; 
The troubles of a worthy priest 
The burden of my song. 

" This priest, he merry is and blithe 

Three quarters of a year, 
But oh ! it cuts hiai like a scythe 
When tithiug-tiine draws near. 

* " In sooth, the sorrow of such days 

Is not to be express'd, 
When he that takes and he that pays 
Are both alike distress'd. 

* * "Oh! why are farmers made so coarse, 

Or clergy made so fine 'f 
A kick that scarce would move a horse 
May kill a sound divine." * * 

- I.e. "to the commons'" (evidently here meaning tenants and small farmers) 
" annoyance or injury." 

3 The importance of this will be better understood if we bear in mind that the 
guardian was not accountable for the profits made of the infant's lands during wardship, 
hut received them for his own private emolument, subject only to the bare maintenance 
of the infant. And this guardianship, being deemed more an interest for the profit 
of the guardian than a trust for the benefit of the ward, was saleable and transferable, 
like the ordinary subjects of property, to the best bidder; and if not disposed of, was 


same chyld it' ho lyve to his full ago shall be at his ownc chosyn 
concernyng his marriage the Kyngs wards only except. 1 

" We pray that no manner of person havyng a manner of his 
o\vne shall be no other lords balyf but only his o\vne. 2 

" We pray that no lord knyght nor gentleman shall have or take 
in ferme any spirituall promocion. 11 

" We prav vour grace to gyve lycens and aucthoritc bv vour 

A*t Ot/t/ * i 

gracious comyssion under your grctt seall to suche comyssioners as 
your pore comons hath chosyn, or to as many of them as your majestie 
and your counsell shall apoynt and thynke mete, for to rcdresse and 
reforme all suche good lawes, statutes, proclamations, and all other 
your procedyngs, whiche hath byn hydden by your Justices of your 
peace, Shreves, Eseheatores, and other your officers, from your pore 

transmissible to the lord's personal representatives. Thus the custody of the infant's 
person, as well as the care of his estate, might devolve upon the most perfect sti-anger 
to the infant ; one prompted by every pecuniary motive to abuse the delicate and 
important trust of education, without any ties of blood, or regard, to counteract the 
temptations of interest, or any sufficient authority to restrain him from yielding 
to their influence. 

1 Allusion is here made to another piece of authority exercised by the guardian over 
his ward the right of marriage, or maritagium. "While the infant was in ward, the 
guardian had the power of tendering him or her a suitable match, without disparagement 
or inequality. If the infants rejected this, they forfeited to the guardian the value 
of the marriage, i. e., so much as a jury would assess, or any one would bond Jlde give to 
the guardian for such an alliance ; while, if the male ward (for females were not liable 
to this) married without the guardian's consent, and after he had proposed to them 
a suitable match, they forfeited double the value, "duplicem valorem maritagii. 
Ulackstone's Commentaries, bk. II. c. 5. 

2 The intention was to limit the power of the lord of a manor, and prevent 
him from adding to. his influence as lord the authority resulting from, and attendant 
on, being the bailiff" of some greater lord. 

3 The following extract from " William Wightman's letter to ' Gentle Mr. Cecill ' ' 
(State Paper Office, Domestic, Edw. VI., May 10, 1349), in which he is stating what 
Lord Sudely had said to him, illustrates this grievance : 

" "Well, well, said he, they are at this point now, that there can neither Bishoprick, 
Deanery, nor Prebend fall void, but one or other of them will have a fleece of it. 
Indeed I did, on this point, both grant his saying to be true, and aggravate the matter, 
to confirm his opinion, with naming the Deanery of Wells, the Bislioprick of Lincoln, and 
others, which I told him had been sore plucked at * * * For mine own part [said 


comons, synes the first yere of the reigne of your noble grandfather 
King henry the seventh. 1 

" We pray that those your officers y' hath offended your grace and 
your comons and so provid by the compleynt of your pore comons 
do gyve onto those pore men so assembled iiij d every day so long as 
they have remayned ther. 3 

" We pray that no lorde knyght esquyer nor gentleman do 
g[raze] nor fede eny bullocks or Shepe if he may spende forty pounds 
a yere by his lands but only for the provicion of his howse. 
* By me ROBT. KETT 

Before giving the King's answer, it may not be amiss to state the 
view of this commotion held by Godwin, Ileylin, and Lingard, none of 
whom seem to have been aware of the existence of the above document, 
from which alone the true character of this rising could be learned. 
Godwin states the insurgents complained that 

" The free-borne Commonalty was oppressed by a small number 

Lord Sudely] I will not have a penny after that rate, nor they shall not be able to charge 
me with the value of a farthing." Ti/tler's Edward VI. and Mary, vol. i. p. 168. 

It was this that caused Kiiox so much pain : he was sore grieved when he saw 
greedy, worldly barous clutch hold of the Church's property : when he expostulated, 
that it was not secular, that it was spiritual property, and should be turned to true 
churchly uses, education, schools, worship, the Eegent Murray had to answer, with a 
shrug of the shoulders, " It is a devout imagination ! " Carlyle, The Hero as Priest. 

But what Knox in Scotland and Kett in Norfolk advocated, viz. the application 
of Church property to spiritual purposes, is not even yet realized : it is, unhappily, only 
" a devout imagination " still ; since, from a Return, ordered by the House of Commons 
to be printed, 18th June, 1856, it appears that the total rent-charges commuted, 
payable to lay impropriators, is 765,427. 5s. 4fd. ; being nearly one-fifth of the whole, 
and about one-third of the amount received by parochial incumbents. 

1 Their intention seems to have been, on the one hand, to bring about a general 
reform of the laws of the land, through the agency of those who especially felt themselves 
aggrieved, the representatives of the " pore comons ;" and to secure such an acquaintance 
with these laws, so reformed, as might be beneficial to the public. 

2 From the preceding article it appears that they wished to have a people's 
parliament ; while the above provides not only for the remuneration of the members, 
but also the source from whence the necessary funds might be derived. 

3 Endorsed, " Articles of the requests aud Demaundes : " also, " Keates Demaundes 
beinge in Rebellyon." 

a/- Two "leds pyilets" m tke Norwicli Ituseiun. aa, P 32 

6. Tke Sh.effl.eia. Stone on S 1 Ifartins PaOace Ham. see- P. 97. 
o. Signatures of KetL. Aldricli, and CodA, appended 

to the List of Grievances. see, P. 5ff. 


of Gentry, Avho glut themselves with pleasure, whiles the poore Com- 
mons, wasted with daily labour, do, like packhorses, live in extreme 
slavery. But howsoever the calamities incident to this present life 
may with a constant patience be endured, the Soule is to be redeemed 
even with a thousand deaths. Holy rites established by antiquity are 
abolished, new ones are autorized, and a new forme of Religion 
obtruded. To other evills death gives an end : but if they suffer their 
souls to be contaminated and polluted by this kind of impiety, what 
thing is there that can equall them in miseries, to whom the end of 
these present ones is but the beginning of some more horrid, namely 
of the pains, which no death can ever terminate ? Why then should 
they not go to the Court, and appoint the King, yet in his minority, 
new Counsailours, removing those who now ruling as they list, con- 
found things sacred and profane, regarding nothing else but the 
enriching of themselves with the publique treasure, that they may riot 
it amid the publique calamities." ] 

Heylin gives a similar account, and says : 

" If religion was at all regarded by them, it was rather kept for 
a reserve than suffered to appear in the front of the battle. But when 
their numbers were so vastly multiplied as to amount to twenty 
thousand, nothing would serve them but the suppression of the gentry, 
the placing of new counsellors about the king, and somewhat also to 
be done in favour of the old religion : " whilst their second grievance 
is alleged to have been, " That holy rites, established by antiquity, 
were abolished, new ones authorized, and a new form of religion 
obtruded, to the subjecting of their souls to those horrid pains which 
no death could terminate." 

While Lingard, 8 who would naturally be desirous of representing 
the people of Norfolk as being equally anxious for " the old religion" 
with insurgents in other parts of the kingdom, combines the above 
accounts : but the grievances just given show plainly that what the 
Lady Mary said was perfectly true, " all the rising about the parts 
where she was, was touching no part of religion." 

1 Godwin's Annals. 2 Heylin's Hist, of Beformation. 3 Lingard's Hist, of Eng. 
4 Strype's Mem. Eccles. vol. ii. pt. I. c. xxi. See also p. 8. 



The King 1 took it for a great indignity that these men should 
offer to treat with him as enemies lawfully holding the field ; yet 
knowing right well that as good counsels gather strength by time, so 
upon a little respite, evil advices either vanish or grow weak, to win 
some advantage of time, returned answer : 

" That seeing he was always ready to receive and relieve the quiet 
complaints of any of his subjects, he marvelled much that upon 
opinion either of necessity in themselves, or of injustice in him, they 
should first put themselves into arms as a party against him, and then 
present him with their bold petitions ; especially at such a time when, 
having fully reformed many other matters, he had lately set forth 
a proclamation against excessive prices of victuals, 2 and had also 
appointed commissioners, with ample authority for reformation of 
enclosures, 3 of depopulations, of taking away commons, and of divers 
other things, whereof, doubtless, some had by this time been redressed, 
had not these disorders given impediment to these designs generally ; 
when they might well discern both his care and endeavour to set all 
matters in a right frame of reformation, as might best stand both with 
his honour and their sureties. Notwithstanding this, however, they 
were eager violently to take his authority into their own hands." 

" Touching their particular complaint for reducing farms and lands 
to their ancient rents, although it could not be done by his ordinary 
power without a parliament, yet he would so far extend his authority, 
royal and absolute, as to give charge to his commissioners to travail 

1 Sir John Hayward's Life of Edward VI. 

2 " Ite p a the same daye (July 8th) for the p'oclamation for vyttalles, ij d ." 

Household, fyc. Accts. of Lestrange of Hunstanton. 

Archteol. xxv. p. 556. 
" Item to a pursevaunt that brought a proclamacion for the pryce of 

Vyttell at Mr. Mayers comaundement, ij 8 . 
" Item for Nayells to nayle up the same proclamacion, j d ." 

0. If. Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, vol. ii. p. 45. 

3 In the Appendix (B) will be found a list of " Complaynts at the Insurrection," 
being most probably that which, at Cambridge, was submitted to these commissioners, &c. 

4 For a very interesting Article on the condition of the Peasantry, see Archceol. 
vol. xxx. pp. 205244. 


with all persons within their counties to reduce lands to the same 
rents whereat they were farmed forty years before, and that rents 
should he paid at Michaelmas then next ensuing, according to that 
rate ; and that such as would not presently yield to his commissioners 
for that redress should, at the parliament which he would forthwith 
summon, be overruled. 

" Concerning their complaint for prices of wools, 1 he would forth- 
with give order that his commissioners should cause clothiers to take 
wools, paying only two parts of the price whereat commonly they were 
sold the year next before ; and for the other third part, the owner and 
the buyer should stand to such order as the Parliament should appoint. 
At which also he would give order that landed men, to a certain 
proportion, should be neither clothiers nor farmers. And further, 
that one man should not use divers occupations, nor have plurality 
of benefices nor of farms ; and generally, that then he would give 
order for all the residue of their requests, in such sort as they should 
have good cause not only to remain quiet, but to pray for him, 
and to adventure their lives in his service. 

" This Parliament he promised should begin in the beginning 
of October then next ensuing ; against which time they should appoint 
four or six of their county to present bills of their desires, and in the 
mean season apply themselves to their harvest and other peaceable 
business at home, and not to drive him to necessity (whereof he 
would be sorry), by sharper means, to maintain both his own dignity 
and the common quiet." 

These letters, carrying the King's name in the front and the 
Protector's with the King's signet at the foot, were sent by a herald 
to Household, a place guarded with great but disordered and confused 
strength of the seditious : herewith also the King sent his general 
pardon, in case they would quietly desist and dissolve ; but it was 
all, unhappilly, of no avail. 2 

1 There is not, however, any mention of the price of wool in Kett's List of 

2 The above is taken from Sir John Hayward's Life of Edward VI. 

E. B[urton,] in his Admirable Curiosities, Earities, and Wonders, says, " The King 

I 2 


In the mean time the city of Norwich, filled with anxiety at 
its present condition, and at the grievous character the disturbances 
had assumed, was very uncertain how to act, especially as, from the 
risings that were taking place at this time in Buckinghamshire, 
Oxfordshire, Surrey, Essex, Kent, Cambridgeshire, 1 and elsewhere, 
the King's Council was unable to render any assistance towards 
putting down the Norfolk insurgents. The consequence was, that 
the insurrection continued to spread, and the camp on Household 
soon contained no less than 16,000 men. 2 At Kett's suggestion they 
began to intrench themselves, and to bring to the camp weapons 
of every kind, balls, or " pyllets 3 of gonshotte," as they are called in 
the City Chamberlain's Accounts, and great quantities of gunpowder. 
To obtain these, bands of them wandered about the county, ransacked 
the houses of the gentry ; and whatever cattle they met with in 
the fields, or money in the house, or corn in the barn, they carried 
to the Camp, and that, too, though the owners stood by looking on. 
"And first they went to old Past on Hall and gett ordinance from 
thence, and soe to Yarmouth and other placis, and brought in forsan 
severall peeces one and other, and came into Norwich for powder, 
and sent to Lynn and other placis, and what theye could gett that 
were sent, they browt with them, both shott, powder, Armurie, corne, 
cattell, mony, and every thing ells, and browt the gretest parte to 
the Rebellis Campe, and some they convertid to their private use." 4 
To remedy this misappropriation of the booty, it was determined that 
some place should be selected where justice might be administered 
and " the people be admonished to beware of their robbinge, spoy- 
linge, and other theyr evil demeanors, and what accompt they had to 

returned this answer : That in October following he would call a Parliament, wherein 
their complaints should be heard, and all their grievances redressed, requiring them in 
the meantime to lay down their arms and return to their houses, and thereupon granting 
them a general pardon." 

1 See page 41. 2 Nevylle. 

3 Two " pyllets of gonahotte " are in the Museum at Norwich, having been fouud 
while digging a well on Household, near Kett's Castle. They were presented to the 
Museum by the Rev. C. Morse. 

4 Nicholas Sotherton. 


make." l There was an aged oak, with wide-spreading branches, 
which was chosen as the place best adapted for this purpose : this 
they roofed in with beams and boards, and here, with the people 
standing about them, they determined all such matters as were 
brought before them ; and here, assisted by the Governours or De- 
legates, Kett held his King's Bench, Chancery, and all other courts. 2 
If those who had concealed any goods obtained by Kett's warrants 
were discovered, and the crime of so doing proved, they were 
committed to prison. This tree was called the Oak of Reformation, 
under which, at first, no one was allowed to go except Kett and the 
Governours, some of whom, and especially the Mayor, Thomas Codd, 
Mr. Aldrich, and others, who, to save themselves and their country, 
allowed themselves to be so called, strove incessantly to restrain the 
people from robbing and plundering. Their admonitions, however, 
"but lyttil prevailid, for they cryed out of the Gentlemen, as well 
for that they would not pull downe theyr enclosid groundis, as allsoe 
understood they by letters fownd emong theyr sarvants how they 
sowt by all weyes to suppres them, and whatsoever was sayde they 
would downe with them, so that within a ij or iij wekes they had so 
pursuyd the Gentlemen from all parts that in noe place durst one 
Gentleman keepe his house, but were faine to spoile themselves of 
theyr apparell, and lye and keepe in woods and lownde 3 places, where 
noe resort was : and some fledd owte of the contrye ; and glad they 
were in theyr bowses, for saving of the rest of theyr goods and cattell, 
to provide for them daiely bred, mete, drinke, and all other viands, 
and to carry the same at their " own " charge 4 home to the Rebellis 
Campe, and that for the savinge theyr wyves, and chydren, and 
sarvants. Notwithstanding were dyvers gentlemen taken, and browt 
to prison, some in Norwich prison, and some in Norwich Castle, 
and some in Surrey place." * 

There was one circumstance attending these tumults that shows 
the forbearance of Kett and his associates, and their assured conviction 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 Blomefield. 

3 I. e. " under cover, or shelter." Dr. Johnson. 

4 See Town Accounts of North Elmham, Appendix (H). 


of the goodness of their cause, viz., that they allowed any, who were 
willing to do so, to go up into the Oak of Reformation and endeavour 
to dissuade the multitude from persisting in their rebellion. 1 Some of 
the principal citizens, and the city clergy, laboured heartily in this way 
to put an end to the robberies and firings of which the insurgents were 
guilty, and to lead them to think of and desire peace. Not content 
with addressing the people in the daytime, they spent the night in 
keeping watch and ward ; thus discharging their duty as faithful 
ministers and good subjects. Amongst others who distinguished 
themselves on this occasion, was Dr. Matthew Parker, afterwards 
Archbishop of Canterbury, a man of great prudence, faithfulness and 
integrity, and who was highly esteemed by his townsmen. 2 The great 
service he did at this time deserves to be mentioned ; for he was one 
of those divines that used now to go up into the pulpits of the City 
churches, exhorting the citizens (many of whom were actually in the 
insurrection, and many more too much disposed thereunto) to leave 
off their wicked attempts, and to return to peace and quietness, and 
their obedience to their sovereign. One day, with his brother Thomas 
Parker, 3 and some friends, he had the courage to go into Kett's camp, 
resolving to bestow his good counsel upon them, and to try to reclaim 
them from their evil course : when he arrived, he found Kett and his 
companions standing under the Oak, communing of matters one with 
another ; at which time the Mayor, Thomas Codd, displayed no little 
courage, and spake out in a manner well worthy of a brave man. For 

1 " The Mayor, Mast r Aldrich, and others would often go up into this Tree and 
endeavoured by all the persuasion and mild arguments they could think of, to make them 
desist from this course, and leave off committing such outrages. There were also grave 
and learned Divines, that tried all ways possible to withdraw them from these wicked 
attempts, and to reduce them to peace and quietness, though at the same time they 
hazarded their lives by so doing. Tor the Mayor and other of the Gentry, though they 
were admitted to the counsels of the rebels, for the better credit thereof, yet, if Kett was 
present, they were no better than Herb John in the pottage, having no influence on the 
consultations : but if he happily chanced to be absent, then they were like St. John's 
Wort, (so sovereign for sores and against the Plague itself) that they much mitigated 
the fury of their mischievous decrees." Blomefield. 

2 Strype's Life of Archbishop Parker. 3 He became mayor in 1568. 


when Kelt pressed him to give up the keys of the City and all his 
authority, and to resign his office as Mayor, Codd answered boldly, 
" I would sooner lay down my life than either, by villany, treacherously 
desert Iny City, or through fear and cowardice, most shamefully fail 
in the duty I owe my King." 

Parker, seeing them much interested in the question of the 
Mayor's resignation, and observing the great mass of the people over- 
come by their excesses and by the heat of the weather, thought it would 
be of no use addressing them then, and so went back into the City. 
The next day, in the morning, not having any rest in his own mind 
till he had discharged his conscience, he went again to the Camp with 
his brother, when he found them very differently occupied ; for they 
were now all at their prayers under the Oak, and Thomas Conyers, 
their chaplain, was saying the Litany among them. The Doctor, glad 
to have met with so favourable an opportunity, went up into the Oak, 
and preached to them. 

He divided his sermon into three parts. 

1. He admonished them to be temperate and sober, and not to 
consume in luxury and ungodliness the provisions they had 
brought into their camp, since these were God's gifts : by 
this he was indirectly reproving them for the excesses of the 
previous day. 

2. He urged them not to pursue private enmities, nor under 
the influence of angry and revengeful feelings, to defile their 
hands with blood; nor to imprison and load with chains 
those whom they regarded as enemies; nor cruelly and 
wickedly to take away any man's life. 1 And 

3. He pressed them that they, having regard to the common 
good, would desist from their purpose ; would place con- 
fidence in the heralds or messengers who might come to 
them from the King; and give his Majesty, young as 
he was, the honour due unto him: by doing which they 
might use him hereafter, when he came to more ripe 

" Which thing they were notoriously guilty uf."Strype's Archbishop Parker. 


and flourishing estate (the valour and prowess of his ances- 
tors being confirmed in him, and as it were, deep-rooted) 
with incredible delight and pleasure. 1 

While he was preaching thus unto them he was very earnest, 
and all heard him with mucli attention and good-will, the Doctor 
being " a most charming preacher," ! till one of them said, " How 
long shall we bear with this hireling Doctor ? He's hired by the 
gentry, and so he comes with words for which they have paid 
him, and with his tongue bribed by them. But for all his prating 
we will bridle their intolerable power, and will hold them bound 
with the cords of our laws, spite of their hearts." 5 Upon this 
a tumult was made ; and many, stirred up by this speech, inveighed 
against him with bitter and threatening words, yea, and fearful 
speeches of some were heard, and dangerous, which came also 
to his own ears. And some of them cried out fiercely, " Since 
he had spoken so finely, and sprinkled his speech with such witty 
words and sentences, the best thing to do would be to pierce him 
with their pikes and arrows, and so make him come down." 
Whereupon no little fear came upon him at that time, which 
was increased by feeling under his feet the points of their spears, 4 
and greatly was he afraid that the angry multitude intended to 
kill him on the spot. Afterwards, however, it was discovered that 
his alarm was groundless, since nearly all under the Oak highly 
honoured the Doctor, loved and respected him exceedingly, and 
were very glad he had ventured into the Camp. They hoped 
that the people might be so influenced and softened by his words 
as either to repent of what they had done, or at least to be 
more gentle for the future, and allow more liberty to those who, 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 Strype's Life of Parker. 

3 "Wood's Translation of Nevylle. 

4 Two plates have been published of Kett at the Oak of Eeformation ; one in 
Bussel's History of England, and the other in E. B[urton's] Admirable Curiosities ; but 
both are incorrect. In the former, the platform is only about eighteen inches high, 
evidently a great deal too low ; while in the latter there is no platform at all, but Kett 
and three others are sitting among the branches of the tree. 


against their own wills, were detained amongst them. Just at 
this time, when Parker seemed in very great danger, Thomas 
Corners, Vicar of St. Martin's at the Palace, with three or four 
choristers, began to sing the Te Deum, in English, to solemn 
music; by the sweetness of which song they being ravished, for 
they were unwonted to music, and being bewitched with these 
unaccustomed delights, by little and little were appeased. 1 

Parker, having got this opportunity, thought it better not to 
wait until these had made an end of their singing, or until the 
others should begin to rage anew, and accordingly descended from 
the Oak with his brother, and departed from the Camp. As they 
were passing down the hill, towards Pockthorpe Gates, some of 
the insurgents overtook him, and began to question with him about 
his license to preach. 2 He might have told them he was sufficiently 
licensed, both by King Henry VIII. and the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury; but he, knowing how vain and dangerous it was to talk 
to them, hastened away slightly (i. e. privily), and left his brother, 
who was then in his company, to hold them in discourse. 3 

The next day he went to St. Clement's Church, where many 
of the rebels were present, and from one of the lessons (which were 
then read publicly in the church) took occasion to say something 
concerning these tumults. The insurgents said nothing, but waited 
until he came out, and then, following him, angrily told him, " They 
knew he had three or four good and able horses, which might 
be of service to the King ; therefore they bade him have them ready 
immediately after dinner, for they were about to use them presently." 
To this Parker gave no answer, but straightway sent for a farrier, 
and directed him to take off the shoes of some, and to pare their 
hoofs to the quick, and to rub others of them with nerve oil, 
as though they had been lamed with too much work and travel. 
The insurgents thought that such was really the case, and accordingly, 

1 Wood's Translation. 

" More especially about the great seal, by which license to preach was given to 
him ." Nevylle. 

8 Strype's Life of Parker. 



seeing them afterwards led away as though to pasture, desisted from 
their purpose. Shortly after, Parker, apparently for the purpose 
of taking a walk, went out of the gates, and met with his 
horses two miles from the City, at Cringleford Bridge : he mounted, 
and set off for Cambridge. " But in the way what he saw, what 
he heard, what violence and crimes he witnessed on the part of 
the seditious, whom he met with on his journey, to treat of all 
these severally would be a work of infinite labour. Nevertheless, 
by the goodness of God (when he had escaped all these garboyles and 
popular hurliburlies), at the length, being free from so great dangers, 
he came safe to Cambridge." l 

The rebels, being now in some measure satiated with the 
booty they had obtained, betook themselves to acts of violence 
towards the gentry, many of whom, from every part of Norfolk, 
were arrested and brought as prisoners to the Camp, which produced 
a general panic, and all that had the opportunity of so doing, 
sought to escape by abandoning their homes, changing their apparel, 
disguising themselves as well as they could, and hiding in caves and 
thick woods. Those who had horses and carts were constrained 
to serve the insurgents with them ; while others, who had not, 
were compelled to get them elsewhere for this purpose ; and both 
were commanded, at their own expense, to convey corn and victuals 
to the Camp on Household, 2 while, if they refused to obey, they 
were threatened with the destruction of their houses, the laying 
waste of their lands, and with violence to their wives and children. 
Whatever gentlemen they apprehended (and they took many) they 
bound, as if these had exceeded the rebels themselves in wickedness. 
Many were delivered to be kept in Norwich, and some committed 
to the prison, commonly called the Guildhall, others to the Castle. 
Some were shut up in the Earl of Surrey's house, while if at any time 
they wanted money (which they wanted often), they compelled the 
Mayor of the City, out of the public Treasury, always to supply 
them ; whose demands if the Mayor had rejected, without doubt they 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 See Appendix (H). 



would have emptied the Treasury, set it on fire, " hewyn and 
mankyld " it worse than they did, and brought destruction upon 
all. It will be seen by the following extracts from the City Chamber- 
lain's Accompts how roughly the Treasury was used : 

" Guyldhall. Itm p d to John Byrche the yong r for-\ 

p. 310J. workmanshyppe and tymbyr in pecyng | 

of y e dore stalle and dore loop of the tresyr howse j- 

which was sore hewyn and mankyld by traitor Ket I 

and hys Kytlyngs ' 

p. 311. "Itm to Wyll m Pede for dyce hede nayles ~] 
Byvetts stapylls plats brads nayles made of dyvse I 
lenghis ' w* square hedes spekyngs 2 and sondry oy r | 
yron worke made for the sayd dore and dore stall 
w' ij days worke of hym takyng of y e old nayles and 
Bivetts brekyng certen tooles w' settyng on and 
clynkyng all the forsayd yron worke 

" Itm to "Wyll m Pede and Edmond Bower for new mend- 
yng and makyng of ij lockes of the said tresur 
howse dore ; iiij lockes and hespys on the yron 
chest within the said howse, iij other lockes in the 
same howse, ij lockes on the chekyr in the sembly 
chambyr, and iij gret lockes and keys on the dore 
to the tower over the tresyr howse all which lockes 
keyes and hespys war brokyn by the forsayd traytor 
Kette and hys rebells 

" Itm p d to a mason and his man for pynnyng in the dore 
stalle and wyndowe in y e sayd treasur howse and 
all the tower ov r the said howse and archyng within 
the same all which wallys were shaken and sore 
brosyd with rappyng and brekyng up the dores 
there one days worke 

" Itm to hym [for] a newe handyll and ij plats for the ") 
same dore and settyng on ) 

V J 


X1 J 


They often, if report may be believed, intended to pillage the 
City, and their intention would have been carried out, had they not, 

1 /. e. " lengths." 

2 I. e. " spikings" long nails with tee heads. 
K 2 


by the industry and diligence of the Mayor, been always hindered. 
They carried off to their Camp whatever implements of war could 
be found in the City, fearing lest matters might afterwards turn out 
unfavourably. Moreover, they charged the citizens to be ready, 
at the first call, to defend and help them, if need required, crying 
out " that they were the King's friends, and, being unjustly oppressed, 
had taken upon them the defence of the laws, and of the King's 
Majesty." Not content with this, they used the King's name to 
serve their own purposes ; for certain commissions being sent from 
the King to divers gentlemen, whose names were therein inserted, 
commanding them carefully to prevent the dangers that might ensue 
to the Commonwealth, and to provide that these stirs and commotions 
might be repressed as soon as possible ; the rebels getting possession 
of these, erased the names of the gentry, and caused their own to 
be inserted ; then they tore off the King's seals, which they attached 
to forged commissions of their own, and, setting these up in public 
places, misled the ignorant and those unconscious of such deceit. 

Their success, hitherto uninterrupted, so urged them on, that 
neither the Governours nor Kett himself could restrain them ; and the 
worst features of the rising now rapidly developed themselves. They 
considered as enemies not only those who refused to join them, but 
also many worthy citizens, who, to save themselves, fled out of the 
City with their wives and children ; these, driven from their homes, 
wandered here and there, bewailing much the iniquity of the times, 
and the miserable condition of their country : while those who 
remained in the City, threatened as it was with destruction by fire, 
looked for nothing else than the overthrow and ruin of all things. 
The state of affairs in the Camp was 1 as bad as could be imagined : 
thieves, and men of abandoned character, had come to it from every 
part, together with labourers who preferred idleness to their daily 
occupations ; and these gave themselves up to every conceivable kind 
of wickedness. 

As they had spread devastation on all sides, so whatever was 

" Castrorum vero horribilis ac miseranda facies." Nevylle. 


brought to the Camp was quickly consumed in surfeiting and revelling, 
to an extent that seems almost incredible : besides swans, geese, 
hens, ducks, and all kinds of fowls without number, about 3,000 
bullocks and 20,000 sheep were riotously consumed in the Camp 
within a few days. In addition to this, the palings and hedges of 
parks, wherein deer were kept, were pulled down, and the deer 
carried off; nothing could be kept from them; no regard was had 
to the future ; no thought as to the evils that might ensue ; no limits 
to their extravagance ; but all things were speedily dissipated and 
exhausted ; at which, much as we may regret it, we cannot feel sur- 
prised, when we remember that hitherto poor and mean indeed had 
been the fare l of very many among that multitude, now maddened by 
the sense of freedom from the galling restraints under which in time 
past they had lived, and by seeing themselves surrounded with a pro- 
fusion one, too, that they might call their own such as the wildest 
imagination amongst them could scarcely have conceived. Sheep 
and other cattle were so recklessly slaughtered, that a wether was 
sold publicly for a groat, while the head and purtenance were 
rejected as most contemptible food, because there was no one that 
would eat them, so great was the abundance of more delicate fare. 
Why should I recall the spoiling of groves and woods, 2 which were 
almost utterly rooted up and cut down to the ground ? all which, as 
much as could be cut, they burned, or, what was worse, used in 
building their dens and lodgings. To their licentiousness they 
added cruelty, its usual companion ; for they put in chains many 
honest and harmless folks, coupling them two and two, and using 
them very badly. 3 

Moreover, they appointed to each of the gates and entrances into 
the City, porters, that none should go out, and commanded also the 

1 See Note, p. 28. 

2 Thorpe wood was now destroyed, the rebels cutting it down to make huts, and 
for fuel, and quite cleared it, lest any should conceal themselves therein to their hurt. 
Norwich Boll, 

3 Wood's Translation. They seem to have been content with imprisoning the 
gentry, a proceeding that undoubtedly tended to the safety of many, as is clearly shown 
by what occurred after the Marquis of Northampton left the City. 


constables of the wards to see to this. A great company of country- 
men were gathered together, and appointed to keep watch and ward 
rude, rough men, shortly before following the plough, and content 
to do so ; but now advanced to the dignity of watchmen and warders 
of a great city, with constables charged to wait upon them and supply 
their wants ; and their wants and wishes were so numerous, that 
many an honest man was ruined in his attempt to gratify and relieve 
them. In a word, " the state of the Cyttie began to bee in most 
rnysserable case, that all men looked for utter destruction, both of 
lyfe and goods. Then the remnant that fearid God seeing the plage 1 
thus of sorrowe encreasing, fell to prayer and holye lyife, and wyshid 
but to see the day that after they might talke thereof, looking never 
to recover helpe againe, nor to see theyr Cyttie ageine to prosper." 

This state of things is so well described in the Norwich Roll, that 
one cannot but regret exceedingly it should be no longer extant : 
" The women resorted twice a day to prayer, and the servants (except 
what must needs stay at home) did the same ; when Kett's ambassa- 
dors were sent to any private house, they were fain to bake or brew, 
or do any work for the Camp, else they were carried as traitors to the 
Oak ; as for trading, there was none in the City, people being forced to 
hide up their choicest goods, and happy were they that had the faith- 
fullest servants. They that did keep open their shops were robbed 
and spoiled, and their goods were measured by the arm's length, and 
dispersed among the rebels ; their children they sent away for fear of 
fire : I the writer (who was then above 22 years of age, and an eye 
witness of these things) was present after prayer, during this 
dolorous state, when people met [and bewailed] the miserable state 
they were in, and like to be in, holding up their hands to heaven, 
praying with tears that God would deal so mercifully with them, that 
they might live to talk of it, thinking it impossible at that time, they 
were so devoid of hope." s 

1 I. e. " plague." 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 

3 For this, and all other extracts from the Norwich Eoll, I am indebted to " The 
History of Kett's Rebellion in Norwich, in the reign of Edward the Sixth ; began about 
the 20th of June, 1549, and ended the Twenty-seventh of August, on whicli day was 


With the view of keeping up the excitement and increasing 
their number, the rebels " made Larums that Gentlemen were comming 
against them by ringing of Bells and fireing of Beacons, by which 
meanis resortid greate numbers of people and provision owte of all 
Towns in Norfolk, Suffolke and dyvers other placis and shyres * 
and such as had Ketts Commission * * toke owte of closes 
pasturs and myddows and owte of mens houses all manner of horses 
and of grett Cattle iij M and more, and of sheepe xx M and more, an 
deere out of dyvers parks in greate number besides swans Geese and 
all other foulis paying nothing therefore." l This extract from 
Sotherton's account is corroborated by Sir Thomas Woodhouse, of 
Waxham, who, in a letter to his brother Sir William, says, " I am 
spoyled of M M shepe and all my bulloks and horses w' the moost 
parte of all my corne in the contrye." While they thus appropriated 
to their own use whatever substance they could find, all " the Gentyll- 
men they tooke they browte to the Tree of Reformation, to bee scene 
of the people, to demande what they would doe with them : where 
some cryide Hang him, and some Kill him, and some that heard noe 
word criyd even as the rest even when themselves being demandid 
why they criyd, answered, For that theyr fellows afore did the like," 
a state of things of which the following may be taken as a fair 
description : 

" Give to vulgar Heads the head, and looke for all confused, 
At once they publish and repeale, all else, save Order, used : 
And as Kytts Campe ill-form'd good forme at their reforming Tree 
Sonnes oft by aime consorting voice their Fathers hang'd should be ; 
So wheare the Multitude prevaile, they censure ere they see." 3 

As, however, only two instances are recorded, we may assume, 
that how violent soever Kett's followers might be in word, they did 

killed upwards of Three Thousand Five Hundred of the Rebels. Taken from the best 
account that was ever printed. Norwich : printed by Lane and Walker, and sold by and 
for W. Chipperfield. Price 1*. Qd. stitched, or in boards Is. ;" as also for other extracts. 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 

2 State Paper Office Domestic Edw. VI. vol. viii. No. 55. 

3 Albion's England, by William Warner, p. 192. 


not display equal violence in their deeds. One case was that of Mr. 
"VVharton : " being garded with a Lane of men on both sydes from 
the said tree [of Reformation] into the Cyttie, they pricked him with 
theyr spearis and other weapons, on purpose to kill him, had they 
not had greate helpe to withstand their malice and creweltye." l In 
the margin Sotherton has written, " How Mr. Wharton emong them 
was slaine ;" though it does not appear, either from his account or that 
of Nevylle, that such was actually the case. 2 The other was that of 
a lawyer belonging to Moulton : he was very much disliked, being 
" a subtill fellow and a man set to sale for mony ;" 3 he was also 
revengeful, and had the reputation of being able to raise spirits with 
fearful signs and superstitious wonders. It is not clear what they 
would have done to him, on his hiding-place among thorns and briers 
being made known by a woman ; but a fearful tempest arose, ' ' mighty 
showres fell, mixt with haile, which covered the earth, and was very 
deepe," just at the time when they were " haling him with them 
with all reproach and contumely." * As his death is not recorded, it 
is probable he escaped. 

But though no other cases are mentioned by name, there is 
reason for believing that as, in the words of Paget already quoted, 5 
" Comyns ys become a kinge," and all had, consequently, full leave 
and license to act as they pleased, much vindictiveness would be 
displayed, and many a grudge that had long rankled, be paid off, 
and acts of harshness, injustice, and spoliation perpetrated against 
the gentry, in return for similar acts, real or fancied, committed 
by them. 

While the rebels were thus committing their ravages in the City 
and surrounding country, Sir Edmund Knevet, or Knyvett, who 
resided at Hingham, about eleven miles from Norwich, determined, 
with a small company of his servants, to dislodge a body of insurgents 
stationed there. He commenced by attacking the night watch, and, 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 " Parumque abfuit quin iuterficeretur." Nevylle. 

" Venalique vir ingenio." Nevylle Wood's Translation. 
4 Wood's Translation. 5 See p. 17. 


overthrowing many of them, succeeded in breaking through their 
ranks. Some of his own men were unhorsed, and in danger of heing 
killed ; but after displaying much valour, he succeeded in rallying his 
followers, and escaping with them. After this temporary defeat, the 
rebels repaired to Kett to show their losses and complain of the 
same : having consulted with them and others, it was proposed that 
they should attack Sir Edmund at Buckenham Castle, 1 in order to fetch 
him out of it by force. Considerable dissension, however, took place 
among the leaders ; for, the place being well fortified, some thought it 
too strong to be taken, while others were held back by their fears, the 
castle being full twelve miles from the main camp ; and so that 
enterprise dropped, the most part thinking it best to sleep in a 
whole skin. 3 

At this time, Leonard Sotherton, a citizen of Norwich, had through 
fear of the rebels fled to London, " for his owne Savegard as others 
did the same :" 3 he was roughly treated by the way, but afterwards 
received compensation. 4 

" P d to leonard Sutterton in recompense of suche losses ~> 

as he susteyned when he was robbyd by the waye f Ivj viij " 
rydyng for the Kyiigs pardon at Magdalen tyde ' 

He was summoned before the Council, who, by him were informed 
of all their proceedings, and how they daily increased, threatening 
destruction to the City, and to all the gentry they could meet with : 
he then "besought the Kings Ma lies Grace for pardon to be offrid 
unto " them, " hoping that the offer thereof would both glad a greate 
numbre of harts that would have remorse of theyr rebellion and to 
cause the same to revarte and returne to theyr habitations as faithfull 
and true subjects are to doe." 3 The Council approving of this advice, 
" one of the Kings Gracis Harrold att armes named Yorke," was sent 
with him to Norwich, " and by the xxj day of July, then the Even 
of Mare Magdalen, about noone entred the Cyttie," and having 

1 But few traces of this castle now remain. 2 Blomefield. 

3 Nicholas Sotherton. 4 City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 3136. 



refreshed himself, to judge by the following (assuming the accomptant 
to have mis-dated his entry) * 

" Itm to pyuchyn's wyfe for brede, drynke, frute, and "} 

oy r thynges for Mr. Mayer hys brothern and oy rs in r iij iiij " 
the cownsell howse, the xx* 1 July last past ' 

immmediately proceeded to the Tree of Reformation, "where the 
sayde Yorke in his Cote armour in the whole assemblye of people did 
reade and declare the Kings most gracious pardon to all that wolde 
humble submit themselves and depart quietly every man to his 
howse to enjoy the benefyt thereof; " ' he said : " Harken all you 
that be heere, and thou Kett, Captaine of mischiefe, and as many 
of you as are present, give eare. Although the manner of our 
ancestors, and the dignitie of this empire, and the majestie of the 
name of a King, seeme to require, that you, which have wickedly taken 
upon you armes against your countrie, and have cast yourselves into 
open conspiracie and rebellion, having been put to flight by sword 
and fire, should receive due punishment for the wickednesse which 
ye have committed : yet notwithstanding, so great is the kindnesse 
and clemencie of the King's Majestie, that those whose heinous 
offence craveth for condign punishment, of his singular and incredible 
favour, hee will have preserved with safetie. And therefore com- 
mandeth, that forthwith every man lay down his arms ; that they 
forsake the Campe and this denne of theeves, and every one to depart 
to his owne house. And if you have done this thing, being deceived, 
ye have your pardon, and warrant of impunitie, of all the evils yee 
have done : but if yee shall remaine in your former mind, and purpose 
of wickednesse, he will surely revenge all the hurts and villanies 
that you have done, as is meet, and with all severitie of punishment. 
Neither will he suffer any longer remaine, to the overthrow of the 
whole kingdom, the things that are to be cut off and cannot be 
healed." 3 Many, hearing these gracious words, " on theyre knees 
fell downe giving God and the Kings Ma tie greate thanks for his 

1 City Chamb. Accts., p. 305 J. 2 N. Sotherton. 3 "Wood's Translation. 


gratis clemenci and pitti :" l others shouted " God save the King's 
Majestie ! " and it seemed, at the moment, as if the pardon would 
be accepted and the commotion come to an end. But Kett, feeling 
most likely that he could scarcely expect to be included in the 
general amnesty, that some would have to suffer as an example, 
and that he, as their ringleader, would undoubtedly be one of those 
selected for this purpose, very fiercely and boldly answered : 
" Kings are wont to pardon wicked persons, not innocent and just 
men ; they for their part had deserved nothing " [in the way of 
punishment] " and were guilty to themselves of no crime ; and 
therefore despised such speeches as idle and unprofitable to their 
businesse." He further charged his followers not to forsake him, 
nor to be faint-hearted, but to remember his promise that he would, 
if need so require, lay down his life for their sake. When he had 
so said, the herald charged him with high treason, and called him 
a traitor, and all that took his part. He further commanded John 
Pettibone, sword-bearer, to arrest him on this charge, " but then 
they began a stur on every side, this way and that way, striving 
with no less stout than dangerous contention." The herald, seeing 
the people thus speedily fall away (though they had been somewhat 
pacified by the offers of pardon he had made them), and that Kett's 
words could so easily rouse them to fury, left the Camp, accompanied 
by many, who, casting away their weapons, trusted themselves to 
the King's mercy. All these, with the Mayor and Thomas Aldrich, 
entered the City, and, as the following entries in the City Chamber- 
lain's Accompts show, having rewarded the herald, proceeded to 

take such measures as seemed to them best adapted for its defence. 

p. 302. " Itm gaf in reward on mary magdaleu evyn 3 ") 

to mr. Torke Harold at armes viij pecea of good r iiij 
olde sovereigns by comandement of the Cownsell . . . ' 

" Itm paid to ij men that made that night v j 4 pyllets of ~> 

gonshotte ) "~ " XVJ 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 Wood's Translation. 3 July 21st. 4 I. e. " six score.' 

L 2 


" for ce and xiiij 11 lede x viij 

and a bundell of large brown paper, and xv u matchis 
dyvyded amongst all the gonners that night. 

" Itm for mete and drynke for y em y' nyght - viij 

" Itm for wood, 1 astyll, 2 and Candyll xij 

Byshops Gats rampired with erth that night 3 
A pece of ordinaunce carried to the old common 
stathe yard, the ij brothern of the Appleyerds 
watchyd that place that night 
Sir Wyllm Pastons ij gret gonnys caryed from the 
common stathe to the castyl. 

A bondell of small brown paper and match sent to 
the castyl and common stathe to shote certen 
yron gonnys ther that came from Caster Hall. 4 

" Itm for ij gret Coynes 5 for the forsayd Gonnys viij 

" Itm for Matches sent thyther ij u xvj 

" Itm for drynke for the Gouners ther iiij 

" Itm for lynpyns 6 for dy vers Gonnys iiij 

" Mr. Tho. Godsalve and a gret company of others kept 
Sir "Will. Pastons gret peces that night in the castyl 

p. 302J. " Itm to lowthe for xiij bolls 7 hade y' nyght to ) 

byshopps gats to carye erth to rampere y e gats ) " " XXJ 

" Item to iiij newe Sholvys 8 y' was loste ther ij 

" Item to Raphe Marsh" 1 for ij Sholvys, and to M. Grey for } 

oon Sholve that was borrowed y* nyght ) " " XV11J 

" Item to Surnard for iij newe Shoos sit 9 upon the Ac- 7 

comptants horse y 4 nyght at Mydnyght ) " ~~ " 1X 

1 /. e. " faggots." 2 I. e . " round wood not split. " 

3 The charge for this is mentioned in C. C. Accts. p. 306 : 

" Itm to Mr. "Wardeyn for ij menys labor y 4 he payd on \ 

Mary Magdalene evyn for caryeng of erth at V xij " 
byshopps Gate j 

4 Near Great Yarmouth. * I. e. " wedges for adjusting the cannon." 
6 I. e. " linch-pins." ? J. e . " shallow vessels of wood." 

8 I. e. " shovels." I. e . " set." 



" Itm to Busfylds Wyff for ij dosen bowstryngs for the ") 

bowesin the Guyldhalle ) " ~ " V11J 

" Itra to dyvse men for plats, nayles, staves and lambskyns, ) _ 
for ladylls and sponges and for makyng of them ... ) 

" Itm to Andrew quash for ij plats with certain nayles ^ 
dd ' to Thorns Warlowe, and for other ij plats and I 
nayles dd to Rob* Stephynson for makyng ladylls | 
for Gonny s ) 

" Item p d in that monythe for mending the locks to Cos- 
lany Gats and a new keye ther 

" Itm to M. Sywhat for mendyng of ij locks at St. ) 

Awstens Gates and ij newe keyes ther ) " " * 

" Itm to Grene for like charges at Conysford Gats and ij ") _ 

newe keyes ther 5 

" Itm to John Elye for mendyng the locke on the brasen 2 ) _ yjj: 

Tower and a newe keye ther 5 

" Itm for certen newe keyes and mendying lockes and ") _ j- v jj; 
yron worke at sondry gats ) 

" Itm to a man of the Gentry for hys too hand staffs to 
make sponges for the Gonnys at the old comon 

" Itm for drynke for the ij Appleyards 3 who watched that ~) _ - 

place that nyght ) 

" Itm to brays man and an oy r man y* watched upon the -^ 

Accomptant all that nyght caryeng gonpowd r , [ ... 

Sholvys, bolls, staves, and other y e forsayd thyngs f 
to the places wer they war occupyed J 

In addition -to the above, it was thought desirable that "the 
meanes of transporting victuals be cut off and taken away on every 
side, in order that the mindes of the rebels being strooken through 
want, and weary of the warres, might faint at length. " J 

1 J. e. " delivered." 

2 Brazen-doors. This entrance to the City was so called, according to tradition, 
from the hinges being of brass ; those of the other gates, to judge by the still eiisting 
one of St. Benedict's, were of iron. 

a The " ij Appleyards" were most probably John, the owner of Stanfield Hall, and 
Philip his brother. See Blomefield : Windham. 4 Wood's Translation. 

r ] J 


When they, together with the gentry previously imprisoned, 
but now set free, had been for some time discussing these matters, 
there came to them messengers, in great haste and terror, saying that 
some of the citizens, being in league with the rebels, had let in many 
of Kett's followers. In consequence of this, it was thought best to 
imprison them again, lest being found at liberty by the insurgents, 
they should perish at their hands. It was afterwards discovered 
there was no present occasion for this step, since the rebels very 
speedily returned to the Camp. 

Active measures were at once taken for the preservation of the 
City : ten of the largest cannon l they had were posted on the Castle 
ditches ; " and the night drawing on the seid Thomas Codd with 
thadvise 2 of his brethren the Aldermen and others of the Cytezins 
causid good watch and ward to bee kept in especial att the dan- 
ger ousest places " 3 that if any attack were made in the course of 
the night, it might be resisted. 

The cannon previously mentioned as having been placed on the 
Castle ditches were, on trial, found of little use in annoying the enemy, 
the distance being too great ; they were therefore transferred to the 
Hospital meadows, and the whole night was " (for the most part) 
spent in fearefull shot on both sides." * 

The Aldermen and Commoners, with their servants, actively 
bestirred themselves, some in guarding the gates and walls, others in 
riding from one part to another, and all exerting themselves to the 
utmost to save the good old City. 

The following day, July 22nd, the rebels, finding their cannon 
had done no harm, brought them down to the foot of the hill, and 
began the assault again ; from which, however, they speedily desisted, 
want of provisions compelling them to ask the citizens to make 
a truce for a time. The messengers sent on this errand were James 
Williams, tailor, and Ralph Sutton, hatter, who, bearing a flag 

1 One, said by tradition to have been used at this time, is still in existence, at the 
Old Men's Hospital, in Bishop-Bridge Street. 

2 I. e. " the advice." 3 Nicholas Sotherton. 4 "Wood's Translation. 


of truce, on being brought before the Mayor, are said to have spoken 
to this effect : 

"Our Captain Kett and his soldiers entreat of this City, and 
of you the Mayor and your brethren, peace and truce for a few days, 
in order that he may be at liberty (as he recently was) to supply 
himself with provisions. If you will not grant this, he and they 
will by force break into the City, and destroy all things with fire 
and sword." 

To this the Mayor replied : That they were the most wretched 
traitors, guilty of all disloyalty and of unheard-of villany. He would 
not, therefore, grant anything to their most iniquitous demands ; 
nor, if he were willing, was it allowable to do so, especially as 
they were the most abandoned of men. That they had committed 
so many, and such intolerable villanies as to deserve the being 
not only shut out of the City, but also, if it were possible, thrust 
wholly beyond the pale of human nature itself. That they despised 
the King's majesty, wasted the country, almost utterly destroyed the 
City of Norwich, had branded upon themselves and their posterity 
an everlasting mark of reproach for villany and treason, and that 
all parts had by their violence and crimes been harassed, polluted, 
troubled, and laid waste. " And yet you ask to be admitted into 
the City ? to enjoy the rights of citizens ? to share in their civil 
and religious privileges ? to have your want of food relieved by 
them ? What ? do you not repent of the crimes of which you have 
been guilty ? are you not, at the very least, ashamed of them ? 
Verily I know not whether they, who have committed such acts 
are the more wicked, or they who have made this request are the 
more shameless. Do you hope to obtain them from the Mayor? 
from him whom lately you made to suffer the shame and disgrace 
of imprisonment ? Do you hope to obtain them from this City ? 
Have you not almost utterly destroyed it, and can you think it 
will help you now? But perhaps you think the citizens will aid 
you : just consider how you have treated them : have you not 
brought war upon them, with its accompanying violence and terrors ; 
and do you suppose that they will supply you with corn and pro- 


visions to serve as food for your fury ? What folly to entertain 
such hopes ! Be off then, be off, and tell Kett, the leader of these 
most shameful conspirators, That the citizens of Norwich would obey 
the King's Majesty and not these traitors, wretches that no longer 
deserve the name of men : while as regards myself, I think nothing 
of the dangers and horrors you are preparing against the City. Break 
in, lay waste, destroy, cut down, and overthrow, just as you please ; 
but remember that God is the avenger and punisher of all such 
doings, and that sooner or later your consciences will rebuke you 
for the great crimes you have been guilty of: and remember also, 
that you will undoubtedly, and at no distant period, meet with the 
punishment, you will have by your madness and folly drawn down 
upon yourselves." Or, in the words of another writer, Codd 
" answered that neither to cum or have nourishment of the Cyttie 
shuld bee grantyed but defyans utterly as Tray tours." 

When this message was carried back, the rebels with loud out- 
cries ran down the hill, and tried their utmost to break in, but were 
withstood " every waye," and especially " wyth Bowmen as they came 
from the Hyll;" 2 though, however, "they were shott att wyth gret 
numbre of arrowes ;" yet instead of being alarmed, " soe impudent 
were they, and soe desperate, that theyr vagabond boyes (literally 
sans culottes 2 ) came emong the thickest of the arrows and gathered 
them up, when some of the seid arrows stock fast in theyr Leggs and 
other parts." 2 It is reported also that some, having the arrows 
sticking fast in their bodies (a thing fearful to tell,) drawing them 
out of the wounds just received, gave them, as they were dropping 
with blood, to those who were standing around, that they might again 
make use of them. This proceeding, as well as that of the boys above 
mentioned, displaying, as it did, such utter contempt of danger, " soe 
dysmayd the Archers that it tooke theyr hart from them." 

No word of commendation has Nevylle for this, or any other act 
of courage performed by these men. Had it been of some ancient 
nation he was writing, or had such an incident been recorded of earlier 
times, or of other than his own people ; had distance, whether of time 

1 Nevylle. 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 


or place, lent its enhancing aid, we may be sure such an act would 
have come in for its due meed of praise, as a striking example of the 
great things simple men can do, when the bold spirit of resistance to 
oppression is thoroughly roused. Instead of this, he describes it as 
something "horrible to relate." l 

In the mean time a fearful outcry arose in another part of the 
city, " To arms, To arms : Citizens, if ye be men, to arms : the enemy 
are within the walls." Many straightway running thither where the 
cry had been raised, while others of the " Cytizins " happening to be 
" in theyr bowses about theyr businesse," as it was " about xj or xij 
of the clocke att noone," the rebels determined to avail themselves of 
the opportunity thus offered them of entering the City : accordingly, 
"the seid raggyd boyes and desperate vagabons in greate numbre 
wyth Halbers, spers, swerds, and other weapons, and some wyth 
pytchforks, &c. hastely came runnyng downe the Hyll and tooke the 
ryver most desperately merevelous to the beholders, 2 as soe suddenly 
abashid them, that the Gonnar fearid to shote there was soe greate a 
numbre about him : so hee left his ordenaunce and fledd, 3 and the 
rest that watchid, seeing themselves nothing to resist, allsoe hastily 
departid, when the Rebellis soe followid that happy was hee that " 
could find the way to his house, and the secret places thereof; and 
those who succeeded in doing this crept in, and left the City unde- 
fended. The " vagabons " before mentioned " unrampired " Bishop's 
Gate, " and carryed the vj peeces of ordenaunce to the Hylle with the 
Instruments thereto " belonging : while others " came furth into the 
Cyttie and by the way called the Cytizins Traytours &c. that few or 
none durst looke out, theyr haste was soe suddeigne uppon them." * 

The following extracts show the disturbed state of the City : 5 

1 " Horrendum dictu." Neeylle. 

2 "Remausi sunt non tnodo visu mirabilem, sed et auditu profecto incredibilem." 

3 Nicholas Sotherton says : " For want of powder the shott followed not, neyther 
were the Q-onnars perfyt in the Cyttie to ordar theyr peeces : " want of powder, together 
with want of skill, was sufficient excuse for his acting thus. See Appendix (P). 

4 Nicholas Sotherton. * City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 303. 



" Magdalen Day. 1 Itm Here ys to be notyd, that the next day beyng Mary 
Magdalen Day, the chamberlayns servyse don the night before, and specyally 
for makyng of the gonshot, 2 was bewrayed by John Fyshman to traytor Ket, 
so that he sent to hys bowse about Ixxx men, of which number Robert 
Tysod, tanner, John Barker, bocher, Echard, myller of Heyham, were chieife 
messengers, which persons caryed the chamberlain to the Guyldhall, and 
ther took away oon hole barrell of gunpowder and a remnant of another 
barrell that be left the night before, and certen yron pyllets and lede pylletts, 
that servyd for the yronsling, and certen mores 3 pykes that lay over the 
sembly chambyr, and compellyd him to pay for lyne and a maunde 4 to carry 
the sayd pelfer 5 vj d . 

" Itm they came ageyn to the chamberlayn's howse, and tooke from thense cxs 
pyllets of lede that war made the nyght before, and also they tooke from him 
in corn, paper, and serpentyn 6 powder of his own goods to the sum of vj^and 
odd money, and besydes that compellyd hym to pay for a new ferkyn to put 
in the gunshote v d and for lyne to truss and carry the pelfer B with iij d . 

The Herald at Arms seeing the sad state of affairs, inasmuch as 
" his commission served for two daies," 7 did not leave the City., 
though it now seemed utterly in the rebels' power, who passed to and 
fro as they pleased ; but went, accompanied by the Mayor and many 
of the citizens, into the market-place, and there again in the King's 
name he commanded them, That they should lay down their arms, 
leave the Camp, depart severally to their own homes, and avail them- 
selves of that mercy and pity which the King was so ready to show 
them : that if they did this, they should be safe and free from all fear 
of punishment ; while if they did not, they might expect " grievous 
torments, bitter death, and all extremity :" 3 but they utterly rejected 
his offers, " and cryed and howlid and showtyd as " though " they 
had wonne theyr purpose even the wholle way as they went to the 
Crosse of the market, to the greate admiration of the Harrold and all 
the Cyttie." 7 When he had finished speaking, they cried out : " Let 
him be off : plague take him with his empty promises : he must be 
mad to think he could, with his fine speeches, come round them to 

1 July 22nd. - See p. 75. 

;i Powerful pikes, called also morris pikes. 4 /. e. " hand-basket." 

'' I. e. "things pilfered or stolen." 6 Very inflammable powder, 

' Nicholas Sotherton. 8 Wood's Translation. 


their utter ruin. They detested aud downright hated such mercy, as 
seemed to hold out the hope of pardon, while in reality it cut off all 
chance of safety." The herald, finding it beyond his power to influ- 
ence them, either by threats of punishment or offers of forgiveness, 
" accompanied w th Austin Sty ward Alderman and others, seeing theyr 
rudenes and partly fearing theyr desperatenes, desyred the seid Mr. 
Styward to bring him out of the Cyttie, which after bee was brought 
furth St. Stephens gate departed straight to the Corte, the Cyttie 
with the Rebellis being in greate rowre, which still went howling 
abroade the Cyttie." 1 The following describes one act of violence 
perpetrated at this time, while it also strikingly illustrates what may 
not unjustly be called the good-nature of the insurgents, and their 
readiness to be deterred from perpetrating an act of cruelty : 2 

" Itra the next day being the xxiij July a gret sorte of the same company with 
others to the nombyr of c persons at the leste, came ageyn to the accomptants 
howse and tooke away of his own goods ij bows, iij sheffe of arrows, with cases 
and gyrdylls, iiij alman halberds, ij black bylls, certen clubbys and stavys, ij 
almayn ryvetts as fayer as any war in Norwych, and a jack of fusty an, and 
also carryed hym away wyth them to Mushold to have hym to the tre for 
makyng of the forsayd gunshotte, and by the way he intretyd them so that 
they caryed him to Xorwiehe bothe, wher he gaf them for remyssyon from 
goyng to the tre iij 8 iiij 11 ." 

Immediately after his departure, they commanded Leonard 
Sotherton to be brought before them, " meaning to him and his to 
doe some mischiefe, for that hee was one that browte downe the 
pardon, in soe much that both Leonard and his brethren from thence 
furth durst noe more to bee scene abroade," l but, in fear of their 
lives, hid themselves privily amongst their friends and kindred. 

Kett then ordered the Mayor, Robert Watson, William Rogers, 
alderman, John Homerson, alderman, William Brampton, 3 gent., 
Thomas Aldrich, "and divers others of worship," to be apprehended, 
" whome they carryed prisoners to theyr Campe and putt them in 
hold in Surry place, where they remayned in chaines and fetters unto 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 303. 

:i This is probably the same Mr. Brampton as is mentioned p. 7. 

M 2 


the last daye " of the commotion : " some by Gods provision was savid 
and some dyed," a either naturally or were cruelly slain. 3 

While these things and the like were tumultuously done in the 
Camp, Kett, seeing clearly the perilous position in which he stood ; 
that he either must win a blood-stained victory over his country, or 
would meet with such an end as his opponents considered him worthy 
of ; applied himself vigorously to increase his forces, sending in divers 
directions " his Embassadors to rayse the whole Country, by which 
means resortid to him a greate numbre," l " allured by rewards, and 
faire promises, and men that had nothing to take to, and were without 
hope of anything. * * * "Whereupon, it is incredible to tell 
how great and almost innumerable multitudes of gracelesse persons 
on the sodaine were assembled." 3 

The treatment the Mayor met with gave great offence to the 
well-disposed amongst the citizens : they could not bear to think that 
he was kept bound by the rebels, that insult should be added to 
injury, and that he should be exposed to the fear of a sudden and 
violent death. One of their jests at the Mayor's expense has been 
preserved : " being called Codde by name, and there is a fish of the 
sea called after the same manner, * * in contempt of the worthy 
Maior's name, and to his no little danger, one varlet ministring 
occasion unto another of laughter and scoffing, they made an O yes ; 
and cryed, As many as would come to the Campe tomorrow, should 
buy a Cod's head for a penny." 3 Under the impression that he was 
in danger, the citizens came to Thomas Aldrich, and complained of 
these things. He, being very popular, 4 had great influence amongst 
the rebels, so that " neither his advice nor enterprises were at any 
time in vaine ;" and " much of the goods the rebels had taken away 
by force, through his industry were restored again to the owners, and 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 

a Nevylle. I have given Nevy lie's statement, though I cannot help thinking he 
would have mentioned such cases individually, if his account had been true. 

3 Wood's Translation. 

4 By reason of his "good modesty, for which hee was beloved of Cyttie and Couutrye." 
Nicholas Sotherton. 


on his House on Tombland. 

P. 86. 


many attempts of the seditious, by his providence and diligence were 
restrained." l When he understood in what peril the Mayor was, he 
came to Kett and advised that he be set at liberty : Kett said not a 
word, but remained like one fixed in thought : then Aldrich cried 
with a loud voice, " Art thou not ashamed, wretched tray tour, to hold 
in prison and irons, I say, not alone an harmlesse man, but a Maior, 
which is the King's Majesties most faithfull lieutenant ? Art thou 
so fierce and cruel, that when, through ryot and excesse, thou hast 
wasted the goods and commodities of all men, thou canst now not be 
satisfied, nor filled, except thou mayest drinke up at last also the 
bloud of innocent persons ? Therefore thou, the wretchedest man the 
earth beareth, command him forthwith to bee brought out of prison." 

The result of Aldrich's speech was that his command for it can 
scarcely be called request was obeyed, and the Mayor had "many 
tymes liberty to goe and cum into the Cyttie," 2 thus escaping the 
annoyances and dangers to which, as a prisoner, he might have been 
exposed ; " by whose advice prudently was as many evils foreseene as 
might bee." Since, however, " the seid Mayour was feine for the 
most part to bee att the Camp to see the best ordre there," and could 
not therefore sit continually in the government of the City, as the 
duty of his office required him to do, " hee appoynted Mr. Austen 
Sty ward 3 Alderman to bee his depute in the Cyttie, whoe very wisely 
* * * did allways forsee evylls, and for that hee had allways bin a 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 

3 " Augustine Steward, mercer, Mayor 1534, 1546, and 1556 : M. P. 1541. He lived 
in a house on Tombland, now a butcher's shop, exactly opposite the Erpinghatn Gate, in 
the front of which is a stone bracket, with his mark impaling the Mercers' arms, and the 
date 1540. His property extended along the north and west sides of the churchyard, 
into Prince's Street, including the site of an ancient building called Prince's Inn, which 
probably gave name to the street. Kirkpatrick says : ' In the Prince's Inn house, in 
St. Geo. Tomblaud, there is carved, upon an old-fashioned piece of work, such as was 
usually then placed at the end of their benches in their great halls, an escoch : viz. 
a lion ramp' with bend ragulie, trunked, (Styward) impaling on a bend wavy 3 birds, 
a border ingrailed roundelly. (Eede). And upon another such thing his mark, which 
likewise appears upon seals to deeds dated 1523 and 1535.' "Norf. Archaeol. vol.iii. p. 202. 

His likeness is in St. Andrew's Hall, and his mark, mentioned in the above note, is 
still in existence. 


good and modest man, hee was beloved of poore and rich," l and all 
readily obeyed him. He, taking unto him Henry Bacon, 3 Alderman, 
and John Atkins, then Sheriffs, " kept the Cytezins except the most 
vagrand and vacabond persons in good quiet." During this time 
the gentlemen, held in confinement by the rebels, suffered many 
indignities, and some were probably slain : the following was the 
manner of proceeding : " Kett, openly, all men beholding him, went 
upon the oke " daily, " which they called the Oke of Reformation," 
and then " dyd call the Gent[lemen] prisoners before him, which was 
not done wythout the whole multitude, and" with regard to "them 
they had no complainte of they cryed ' A good man, A good man ;' ' 
while as regards " the others that were complaind of they cryed 
' Hang him, Hang him,' 3 wythout furder judgement, yea though the 
seid Gentlemen by eny ways made to them intercession and promysed 
them amendment, soe maliciously were they bent :" 1 and this they did 
" although they were utterly ignorant of the man in question, whether 
white or black, old or young (as one whose name was never heard of 
before) yet after this manner they were always wont to cry out. 
And in this manner these traytors, not led by judgment or reason, 
(lest they should be unlike themselves) but led by a certaine blinde 
and headlong rage of the minde, (as by a mighty tempest) oftentimes 
without a word, and as it were with a madde nod of their furies, they 
inflicted most cruell punishment upon innocent and just men. And 
surely so great was the strength of the disease, and as it were corrup- 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 

2 " Henry Baoon, grocer, Mayor in 1557 and 1566. His mark and initials are over 
the south entrance of a large corner house, formerly his residence, and now the People's 
College. It is situated opposite the east end of the church, and built with flint. 
Kirkpatrick says : ' On the ruddle screen of the hall are three racks, the upper with 
five, each of the others with four places to hang the maces on, belonging to the officers 
of the Mayor and Sheriffs.' About fifty years since, a large room on the first floor was 
lined with fine oak panelling, and the chimney-piece elaborately carved ; all of which 
was about that time removed to the mansion of Tompson, Esq., of "Witchingham." 
Norf. Archtsol. vol. iii. p. 201. 

3 From the strong feeling entertained by Nevylle and Sotherton, I cannot help 
thinking that, had this threat been carried out, the names and other particulars connected 
with those who suffered, would have been preserved. 



tion that possessed the mindes of them all ; as being almost without 
sense, and through the crueltie of so great villany hardened ; they 
violated all lawes of God and man with their great fury and bold- 
nesse." l 

It is uncertain how long this lawless state continued without 
any attempt being made to check it : one account says, " a few clays 
having intervened," 3 while another, 3 "after xiiij or xvj daies," i. e. 
after the herald's departure ; but as he left on the 23rd July, at the 
latest, and as the battle on the Palace Plain was fought August 1st, 
"a few days" is the correct statement. The Council would, when 
they heard of the state of affairs, undoubtedly lose no time, but with 
all despatch send forces to " represse theis Rebellis." Accordingly, the 
supreme command was entrusted to William Parr, 4 Marquis of North- 
ampton, who was accompanied by " the Lord Sheffeyld, 6 the old lord 
Waydsworth 6 and" a "number of Knyghts, as S r Anthony Denny, 7 

1 "Wood's Translation. 2 Nevylle. 3 Nicholas Sotherton. 

4 William Par, son and heir of Sir Thomas Par of Kendal, by Maud, daughter of Sir 
Thomas Greene, of Green's Norton, in Northamptonshire. Henry, upon his marriage 
with this gentleman's sister (Katharine Parr, widow of Lord Latirner), created him 
Baron Par of Kendal, and soon after revived in him the Earldom of Essex, in conse- 
quence of his having taken to wife Anne Bourchier, daughter and sole heir of Henry, 
the last earl of that ancient family. On the accession of Edward A r l. he was created 
Marquis of Northampton ; in the fourth year of the same king was constituted Lord 
Great Chamberlain for life ; and the next year was sent to invest the King of France 
with the order of the Garter. He died 1571, and was buried in the collegiate Church 
of Warwick. Zone's Illustrations of British History, vol. i. p. 64. 

8 " Edmund Sheffield was advanced to the peerage on the 16th February, 1547 (two 
days before the coronation of Edward Sixth), in the dignity of Baron Sheffield, of Butter- 
wike, in the county of Lincoln. The next year " [Burke is here mistaken ; it was in 
1549], " his lordship having accompanied the Marquess of Northampton to suppress the 
rebellion of Ket, in Norfolk, lost his life in the conflict. He had married the Lady Anne 
Vere, daughter of John, Earl of Oxford, and left one son and three daughters." The 
honours and male line of this family having ultimately become dukes of Normanby and 
Buckingham, became extinct in 1735. Burke' s Extinct Peerages. See Appendix (Q). 

6 I. e. " Wentworth." Thomas Wentworth, Esq., son of Sir Eichard Wentworth, 
Knt., of Nettlested, in the county of Suffolk, was summoned to parliament, by writ, as 
Baron Wentworth. BurJce's Extinct Peerages. 

7 Sir Anthony Denny, in the reign of Henry VIII., had been Gentleman of the 
Privy Council and Groom of the Stole. He was the only one, amongst the courtiers, 


S r Ralphe Sadler, S r Rychard a Lee, 1 S r Rychard Southwell, Sir 
John Gates, Sir Thomas Paston, 2 Sir Henry Bedingfield, 3 Sir John 
Suliard, Sir William Walgrave, Sir John Cutts, Sir Thomas Corn- 
walles," 4 " and dyvers other Knights 5 Squyers and Gentyllemen and 
dyvers Italians strangers and others to the number of xij or xiiij C 
persons." 6 When he had arrived within a mile of the City he sent a 

who dared to apprise his royal master of his approaching dissolution. Henry had, 
however, so high an esteem for Sir Anthony, that he could perform the sad office with 
impunity, and the monarch presented him with a magnificent pair of gloves worked in 
pearls. Sir Anthony was also constituted one of the executors of his deceased sovereign. 
His grandson, Sir Edward, was created Earl of Norwich, but the title became extinct in 
1660. Burke, Extinct Peerages. 

1 " Pore Syr Eichard a Lee," says Paget in a letter to Somerset, viii. of Maye, 1549 
(State Paper Office, Domestic, Edward VI. vol. vii. No. 5), "this afternoon, after your 
grace had very sore, and to much more then neded, rebuked him, came to my chambre 
weping, and there, complayuing (as farre as became him) of your handeling of him, 
semed almost owt of his wyt, and owt of hart your grace, be assured, hath put him cleane." 

2 One of that ancient and " worshipful " family the Pastons, whose seat was at 
Paston, and subsequently at Oxnead, Norfolk. In the reign of Charles II. Sir Eobert 
Paston was created Baron Paston of Paston, and Viscount Yarmouth, both in the county 
of Norfolk. He was afterwards raised to the earldom. He was succeeded by his son, 
"William Paston, who died 1732, leaving no male issue, whereupon, the male line of 
his brothers having previously ceased, the Barony, Viscounty, and Earldom became 
extinct. Burke, Extinct Peerages. 

* Sir Henry Bedingfield, Knt., was one of the first who declared for Mary, on the 
death of Edward VI., and came to her Majesty's assistance with 140 men armed 
cap-a-pie, while at Framlingham Castle, Suffolk. During Mary's reign he was made 
Governor of the Tower, and had charge of the Princess Elizabeth, who, on ascending the 
throne, dismissed him from court, saying, "whenever she had a state prisoner who 
required to be hardly handled and strictly kept, she would send for him." Their 
chief seat is at Oxburgh Hall, one of the most perfect specimens of castellated 
mansions in the kingdom. 

4 Subsequently slain at the same time as Lord Sheffield. 

* The names of two of these knights have been preserved ; one, Sir John Cleere, 
being mentioned in the letter of the Lords of the Council to the Earl of Shrewsbury 
and also byNevylle; and the other, Sir Ed ward "Ward (Sotherton) or Warner (Nevylle), 
being described as Knight Marshal. 

6 N. Sotherton. King Edward, in his Journal, states : " The peple sodenly gathered 
together in Norfolk and encreased to a great nomber, against whom was the L. Marquise 
Northampton sent with the nombre of 1,060 horsmen." It is conjectured by the editor 
of King Edward's Journal, printed for the Roxburgh Club, that this should be 1,600. 
The word " hors " has the appearance of an interpolation, or a correction. 

From the Painting in S 1 Andrews Hall, Norwich. 

See- P S3. 


herald, Norroy King at Arms, to summon it to yield, and if it would 
not, to declare war against it. When all things usual in such cases 
had been proclaimed and done in the City, " the seid Awsten 
Styward, depute for the Mayour," having understood it to be " the 
Lord Lieuetenant's pleasure to bee recevid into the Cyttie wyth his 
power, the seid Awsten, being in Person att the seid gates of St. 
Steven, hastely gave notice thereof to the Mayour then," very much 
against his will, 1 " wyth Kett in the Camp, whoe, by noe meanes 
would suffre the seid Mayour from him to depart, but kept hym 
perforce." The message sent back by the Mayor was to this effect : 
" That never any thing happened more grievous unto him al his life- 
time than these evils, which having been brought in of most seditious 
persons, have almost over-turned with villany that cannot be atoned 
for, his country and City of Norwich, flourishing before. That (as 
much as by man's reason could be foreseene) hee had used all diligenco 
that these tumults might have been restrayned at the beginning : yet 
he could not bring it to that passe, by reason of the rage of the mis- 
chiefes, wherewith the mindes of all were holden intangled. That he 
had indured the terror of imprisonment, the perill of death, finally all 
extremity at their hands, and at this time was holden in the Campe, 
with a guard of souldiers round about him. Otherwise he would have 
come himselfe without delay (as was meet) to the Marquess of North- 
ampton. Neverthelesse, that the City might be kept the better in 
order, he had given his authority of governement to Augustine 
Steward, a very carefull and wise "man : lest, in his absence, the people 
through ignorance might fall away from their duty. That the City 
should be at his commandement, and himselfe (if Kett would permit) 
would willingly come out of the Campe and receive him, and commit 
his owne and the state of the City to his protection." This answer 
of the Mayor was carried quickly by the herald to the Marquis. 
In compliance with Codd's request, his Deputy, with the sheriffs, and 
a great multitude of citizens following, went immediately to the army 

1 " Invitissimum huuc antea diximus in Ketti castris detentum." Nevylle. 

2 Nicholas Sotherton. 3 "Wood's Translation. 



of Northampton, unto whom, after " hee had kissed the Swerd," l he 
delivered it, being, as it is, a sign of the King's Majesty's presence, 
and of his authority, and in the chief cities of England is wont always 
to be carried before the Mayor. Having expressed his regret at the 
Mayor's compulsory absence, he added, " that he and the chief of the 
City were come to deliver up the City, themselves, and all that they 
had, to the authority of the King : they confessed there were many 
of the citizens who could not be deterred ; but would needs consent 
to the rebels : that the greatest part of the best citizens, however, 
remained still in their faith and allegiance, and had not joined them- 
selves with the others, nor in any respect conspired against the King's 
Majesty ; and that those now present were ready and willing to do 
whatever should be enjoined them, and to receive him and his army 
into the City." Northampton again encouraged the hearts of the 
citizens with good words, promised he would take care of them, and 
had good hope that ere long the spirit of violence, wherewith now so 
many were inflamed, would speedily be suppressed. When he had 
made an end of speaking, he delivered the sword to Sir Richard 
Southwell, who carried the same bareheaded before him, an honour 
by ancient custom always given to the King's lieutenants. Entering 
at Saint Stephen's Gate, he proceeded to the Council-chamber, where 
lie " refreshyd him and drank a Cup of Wine," l and partook of divers 
good things, as the following extract 3 shows : 

" Itm more to hyr [i. e. Pynchyn's wife] for brede, ^ 

drynke, mete, wyue, fruite and other thyngs for my I 

lord Marques in the Cownaell chambyr [imme]dy- f 
atly aft r his entrans into the Cy te J 

" Itm to Norman for sug r l lb spent ther - xiiij " 

He then gave commandment that all the citizens should come into 
the market-place, where they long consulted, and many things of 
many were devised, as well for the defence of the City, as for restrain- 
ing the assaults of the enemy. 

Then were appointed watch and ward upon the walls, and at the 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 305J. 


City gates ; and in all places, if any were thought too weak, armed 
men were placed to be ready in case of need. 

These things having been thus arranged, Northampton went to 
the house of the Mayor's Deputy, and supped there with his company 
of nobles and gentlemen : when supper was ended, although, through 
the length of the journey, and heat of the weather, all in the house 
were weary, yet without taking off their armour, they prepared to 
spend the night in the Deputy's gallery, lying " uppon Cushions and 
pillows," 1 ready at a moment's notice to be up and doing. As we 
recall those times, the contrast is not a little striking between the 
present humble tenants of Steward's house, and those, the noble lords, 
brave knights and gallant gentlemen, who then, tired out with their 
march, were glad to rest beneath its hospitable roof : and as we pass 
through the quiet churchyard, along two sides of which his house 
extended, it seems almost impossible to believe, that the deep stillness 
of this peaceful spot was ever so rudely broken, as it must have been, 
by the stirring events of that memorable night. 

The same day certain Italians skirmishing with the rebels, and 
many wounds being given on both sides, one of the foreigners advan- 
cing very boldly, the nmltitude surrounded him, and at length, having 
taken him, put him to a shameful death : for, stripping off all his 
garments and armour (very costly and cunningly wrought), they hung 
him upon an oak 2 on Mount Surrey, with many revilings and insults 
before his death. The miserable death of so worthy a soldier was 
much lamented, and many would with a great sum, as much as 100, 
willingly have ransomed him, if it had been possible. Shortly after, 
by the providence of God, who suffereth not the wicked to continue 
long, nor the shedding of innocent blood to go unavenged, Cayme 
himself, the author of this cruel deed, suffering the same kind of 
death, received his due reward. 3 

The Marquis fearing the breaking in of the enemy in the night, 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 

2 Nicholas Sotherton says he " was hanged over the walls" of Mount Surrey, " by a 
wretched Eebell, one Cayme of Bongeye, although there would have bin given a C u for 
his life ;" so also Holinshed. 3 Nevylle. 

N 2 



commanded the porters and watchmen on the walls and at the gates 
" more painefully and diligently than commonly they were wont " 1 
to go their rounds. Their eyes and minds being thus prepared, it' 
peradventure any tumult should be raised in the night, it might easily, 
with their help, and without any great ado, be met and resisted. All 
this was faithfully performed, while, at the same time, the soldiers 
watched in the market-place, where, gathering great heaps of wood 
together, they set them on fire, lest if anything should happen on the 
sudden, they being hindered by the darkness of the night and ignorance 
of the place, might be encompassed unawares by the enemy. 

" Sir Edward Ward was the Knight Marshall, and gave the 
Watchword." - To Sir Thomas Paston, Sir John Clere, Sir William 
Walgrave, Sir Thomas Cornwallis, and Sir Henry Bedingfield, men of 
approved valour and wisdom, divers parts of the City were intrusted, 
who performed their duties valiantly, continually going from one part 
to another, encouraging and animating the men, " sometimes with 
their words, sometimes with their countenance, sometimes with their 
own travell and labour." 1 And thus by their wise counsels they 
strove to hinder the enterprises of the rebels. 

All things having been done to their liking, the Marquis and all 
his company, with the exception of those just mentioned, to whom the 
defence of the City had been committed, being wearied with their 
three days' travel, proposed now to take their rest : but when they 
were " in their sweete sleeps," in the dead of night, the rebels, as if 
they were about to break in, discharged their ordnance, and uttered 
loud outcries : the cannon, however, did no great harm, either because 
they were overcharged in the loading, or the unfaithful hands of 
the gunners, of set purpose, levelled them higher than was requisite, 
having been, as is thought by some, bribed to do so. 

These proceedings excited such alarm, that the watchmen on the 
walls, and keepers of the gates, cried often, " To arms ! To arms ! " 

When "the Eebellis" had "made alarum in divers parts of the 
Cittye, the seyd Knight Marshall reysid up the Lord Lieuetenant with 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 


his Lords, Knights, and others, and they in half armour " l proceeded 
to the market-place, " where the whole power was in rydenes " till the 
day spring." The Deputy was sent by the Marquis and Lord Shef- 
field to " the old Lord Weinford, 3 to S r Anthony Denny e, S r Rafe 
Sadler, and S r Richard a Lee, sitting in a stall of the market, whoe 
advysed the Tampering up of divers places," especially on that side 
which was farthest from the insurgents, " for the better keeping the 
Cittye with fewer men." l 

While matters were in this state, the rebels all at once, as a 
rushing stream, came pouring down from Household with confused 
cries, and entered the City, where some proceeded to set the gates 4 on 
fire, and to hew them down ; others to climb upon the walls; some to 
swim across the river ; many to pass in through the breaches of the 
old walls. 6 Northampton's men resisted boldly, repulsed them 
valiantly on every side, manfully drove them back, and with pikes, 
arrows, swords, and other instruments of war, put them to flight ; so 
that the force of their incursions by little and little being broken, they 
began somewhat to waver and to think of retreating. The fight 
was fierce on both sides ; the one party striving to force their way 
into the City, and the other doing their utmost to keep them out. 
Eor the space of about three hours the contest lasted, and was very 
fiercely sustained in divers parts of the City ; and had it not been for 
the valour of Paston, Walgrave, and the rest of the gentlemen, 
together with " the exceeding desire of our men to fight " that night, 
without doubt, would have seen the utter destruction of the Royal 
force. The spirit of Kett's followers was such that, even when they 
had fallen down deadly wounded, they yet would not give over, but 
half dead, " drowned in their own and other men's bloud, even to the 
last gaspe, furiously withstood our men. Yea, many also strooken 
thorow the brests with swords, and the.synewes of their legs cut 

1 Nicholas Sothertoii. 2 /. e. " readiness." 3 Lord Wentworth. 

4 From the City Chamberlain's Aeeoiupts (Appendix I), it appears that the gates 
most injured were Pockthorpe, Fybridge, and St. Stephen's gates. 
6 See Appendix (E), Privy Council Eeg. Edw. VI. vol. ii. p. 98. 
6 Wood's Translation. 


asunder, (I tremble to rehearse it,) yet creeping on their knees, were 
mooved with such furie, as they wounded our souldiers, lying amongst 
the slaine almost without life." 1 And all honour to them, brave men 
that they were, worthy of the cause for which they fought, and worthy 
of a better fate ! Opinions may be divided as to the justness of their 
proceedings in taking up arms ; but as we read of this, and similar 
displays of undaunted courage, we cannot but admire them, and give 
them the honour so justly their due. At length, the force of the 
enemy abating, the soldiers rushed upon them with such violence, 
that they could no longer abide the fight, or stand to resist; but 
being overthrown, and beaten down on every side with great slaugh- 
ter (three hundred having fallen), they were driven out of the City, 
and returned to their Camp. The Marquis lost but few of his men, 
though many were wounded. " The rest of that night that remained 
(and there remained but little) they gave unto their rest." l 

In the morning, " after breakfast at the Maydeshead," " of which 
it is just possible the labourers who had been employed rampiring the 
Gates " till viij of the Clock " were allowed to partake, the Deputy, 
" seeing Norrice the Harrold with a Trumpetter riding through 
tomblond" 3 was exceeding glad to find that this was in consequence 
of certain citizens having signified to the Marquis, that there were 
many in Kett's Camp whose fury was greatly abated ; that these 
might easily be persuaded to remember their duties, and being weary 
of the insurrection, to desist from it ; that there were now abiding at 
Pockthorpe Gates, four or five hundred 4 men, ready "to submit 
themselves and receive the King's pardon ;" 5 and that, if this were 
offered them, they would most probably lay down their arms, and 
commit themselves to the King's mercy. 

The herald, with a trumpeter, being joined by the Deputy, who 
" was glad and for joy went with them," 5 came speedily to Pock- 

1 Wood's Translation. 

2 The Maid's Head, opposite St. Simon's Church, still so called. 3 Tombland. 

4 Nevylle says "four or five thousand;" but Sotherton, whose account I have 
followed, " iiij or v c persons." 

5 Nicholas Sothertou. 


thorpe Gates, where, to their surprise they found no one waiting, 
" neither man, woman, nor child." l The herald, however, having 
caused the trumpet to be sounded, some from the Camp flocked 
down the hill, and amongst them one John Flotman of Beccles, who 
came as their leader. Having been with a loud voice commanded 
to stand, he straightway inquired what the matter was, and why 
they were summoned to parley by the sound of a trumpet ? where- 
upon the herald answered : 

" Go thy way and declare unto thy company from the Marquis 
of Northampton, governour of the King's forces, that the King's 
Majesty doth command and admonish them, that now, at length, 
they repei^ and put an end to the outrages they were committing : 
if they will do this, they shall be safe, and shall by his clemency be 
free from perill, and no man shall be charged with the crimes he 
may have been guilty of." 

Flotman, being joined by " a xx ty persons more," l since he was 
of a ready tongue, " an outrageous and busie fellow," 3 is reported to 
have answered in a proud and threatening manner : 

" With regard to the Marquis of Northampton, he thought 
nothing of him, being, as he was, a man of neither courage, counsel, 
nor good fortune ; he despised and mortally hated him, as infamous, 
worthless, always standing in need of others' help, and as one guilty 
of all disloyalty and treason. They, for their parts, had always been 
earnest defenders of the King's safety and dignity, and would ever be 
ready to spend, for his sake, all their goods and fortunes. They 
had taken arms, not against the King, but for those things which 
they hoped would be hereafter for his welfare and their own : 
neither were they convicted by their consciences, either of wickedness 
conceived in their hearts, or of treason against the King. Eor what 
is it they are desirous of doing ? Is it not to defend the King's 
name and dignity ; to provide for the common safety ; to defend 
the rights of law and liberty ; to preserve themselves, their wives, 
children, and goods ; and finally to deliver the common-wealth, 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 Holinshed. 


vexed in many ways unjustly, from the detestable pride, lust, 
and cruelty of their enemies ? Wherefore, being void of offence, 
so ought they to be free from punishment. A gorgeous herald, 1 
emblazoned with gold^ had made to them of late certain offers, in 
appearance excellent and magnanimous ; but this was undoubtedly 
done in order that, either by making peace, a false and treacherous 
one at the best, he might restrain their endeavours to recover their 
liberty ; or else, being deprived of the means wherewith they were now 
furnished, and so shut out from all defence, that he might deliver 
them up to a cruel death. /Let them, therefore, quoth he, that have 
offended, enjoy the impunity promised : we will not hinder them 
from so doing : while defended by these weapons, and our own 
innocence, \ve feel ourselves perfectly secure, and never will crave 
mercy of any man. The common- wealth is now almost utterly 
overthrown, and is daily declining through the insolence of the 
gentlemen : our intention is to restore it to its former dignity, out of 
the miserable ruin in which it hath so long been lying : and either 
we will accomplish this, by our present course of action ; or else, as 
becomes brave and high-spirited men, we will fight boldly, risk our 
lives, and, if it be so, perish on the battle-field. Liberty may suffer 
much at the hands of oppressors, but never shall her sacred cause 
be betrayed by us." 

Scarcely had he made an end of his speech, when suddenly a 
fearful outcry arose in the City, and the shout was heard, " To arms ! 
to arms ! " a cry heard and dreaded by all : for while these things 
were taking place at Pockthorpe Gates, the rebels, excited by " des- 
perate rage and impudent boldnesse," s broke in at the Hospital 
Meadows, destroying and wasting as they went, with fire and sword. 

The herald hearing of this rode " over the whyte fryars bridge" 

1 See p. 73. The following from the Privy Council Eegister, Edw. VI. vol. i., in- 
forms us what remuneration the herald here referred to, received : 

" Aug. xx. p. 567, had warrant for iiij 1 ' vi s viij d to York officer at armes for his 
voyage to Norwych about the pacifying of the commons assembled there." 

2 Sotherton says : " The said Floateman answerid, hee defyde the Lord Lieuetenant 
and seid hee was a Traytour nor wulde of his pardon, nor had deservid pardon, but that 
they were the kings true subjects." 3 "Wood's Translation. 


to where the battle was raging, " and the seid deputy rode another 
way into Tombelond to see what would cum of ytt, and in the playne 
before the pallace gate l of the Bishop the Lord Lieuetenants souldiours 
fought with the E-ebellis." 2 The number slain is variously reported : 
thus King Edward says, 3 the Marquis having won " the towne of 
Norwich kept it one day and one night and the next day in 
the morning with losse of 100 men departid out of the towne;" 
another account 2 is : there " was slayne above forty persons forthwith 
and many of the Lord Lieuetenants men departid sore hurt :" another ; 4 
" In all that conflicte there was but an hundreth on both sides slayne :" 
while Nevylle states the number to have been " one hundred and forty 
of the enemy slain, and some of our soldiers." But while there is this 
uncertainty as to the actual number that fell, there was one whose 
death forms a most painful episode in these troublous times : viz., 
that of Lord Sheffield, whose fate was lamented and pitied by all. 
It is recorded of him that, being more mindful of his birth and rank 
than of his safety, and desirous of performing the work he had in 
hand, he fell upon the thickest of the enemy, and fighting too boldly 
and carelessly, by chance was thrown headlong from his horse into 
a ditch : lying here at their mercy, he besought them to spare his 
life, promising them a great reward, and declaring his name. It 
was all, however, of no avail, for one named Fulke killed him with 
a club. 5 There was afterwards no little contention amongst them- 
selves as to who really slew his lordship ; and so sharp was it, that 
they came almost to blows ; " but by the opinion of them all, Fulke i; 

1 This gate is the entrance to the Bishop's Palace. 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 

3 King Edward the Sixth's Journal. It is not easy to determine the number, as it 
seems to have been either 200 at first, and afterwards altered to 100 ; or the contrary. 

4 Fox's Book of Martyrs, anno 1549. 

5 The stone that marks the spot where Lord Sheffield fell, lay originally at the corner 
of the Cupid inn, but was removed some few years ago by the poor man living at the ad- 
joining cottage, to where it now lies. Edward VI. says, " among whom [i.e. the slain] ttorr 
was (sic) the L. Sheffield 4iakui piiMUlltfT (sic) was slain :" from which we may infer, that, 
at first, the report was Lord Sheffield was taken prisoner, but afterwards it became known 
that he was killed. 

6 Fulke also killed " Eobert Wolvaston, that was appointed to keepe the doore of 
Christ's Church, taking him for Sir Edmund Knevet." Holinshed. 



carryed away the praise, which openly protested (calling God to 
witnesse) that he gave him his deadly wound with his clubhe." * 
Fulke himself, not long after, met with his just reward for so cruel 
a deed, being " hanged in the tree of Reformacon." ' The death 
of this distinguished man had the effect of making the insurgents 
bolder, and "more ready to warre;" l while, on the other side, the 
hearts of the soldiers, being sore discouraged, " beganne to languish, 
insomuch that when the rebels, puffed up with exceeding joy, making 
a mighty alarme on every side, as having alreadie gotten the victorie, 
rushed into the City (by what way they could get in), following 
upon our men, and as mortall enemies setting upon them, they being 
partly over-charged with the multitude, (for they were almost twenty 
thousand, and ours were only one thousand and five hundred,) and 
(partly strooken with the death of this noble yong gentleman) went 
out of the City, and (escaping by divers journeys through by-waies, 
hiding themselves all the night in caves, groves, and woods) returned 
at the length all of them to London." l 

One memorial of this engagement, the Sheffield Stone, has been 
already mentioned ; another is met with in the Parish Register of 
St. Martin's at the Palace : 

" Dns Sheffield cum xxxv aliis sepulti fuere primo Augusti." 

" The Lord Sheffield, with 35 others, were buried the first of August." 3 

The following items* relate to Northampton's "beyng in the 
Cyte :" 

" Payd in the tyme of my lord Marqwes beyng in the > 
Cyte for stavys, bolls, sholvys, plats, Skynns, Nayles, I 
baskets, mattocks and half a barrell of bere at the > ij 
cross all nyght ther and for pytch, rosen, tallowe, 
ropys, wood for fyers in the mket -J 

1 "Wood's Translation. ; 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 

3 Sir John Cheeke, in his " Hurt of Sedition," says : " How was the Lord Sheffield 
handled among you ? a noble Gentleman, and of good services, both fit for counsel in 
peace and conduct in war. * * Te slew him cruelly, who offered himself manfully ; 
nor would not spare for ransom [him] who was worthy for nobleness to have had honour ; 
and hewed him bare, whom ye could not hurt armed ; and by slavery slew nobility, in 
deed miserably, in fashion cruelly." 4 City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 304. 


" Itm for caryeng a dede horse out of the mket w* many 
other Chargis in the day and nyght whose particlers 
it was not possybyll to wryght nor to remedy as the f ~~ " x3 
ty me requeryd J 

" Item for a newe rope for the parcolas of Berstrete Gats, 1 ) 

to "Waller ffrere 5 

" Itm to Thorns pye for fetchyng therof and settyng on... , iiij " 
And the following to his journey thither : 3 

" xx. Aug. p. 566. Mr. Williams had warrant for vi 1 ' xviij 8 to John Gates, for 
cariadge of provisions and ordinance in the voyage of the Lord 
Marquis of Northampton against the Eebelles of Norwych by a bill of 

The first act of the Rebellion being thus concluded, it may not 
be amiss to examine briefly the charge brought against the City, of 
being "confederat with them." s Sir John Cheeke, in his "Hurt 
of Sedition : how grievous it is to a Commonwealth ; or, The true 
Subject to the Rebel," anno 1549, having mentioned the double 
hindrance that rebellion was to the King, " letting him from doing 
any notable fact abroad, and also suffering not him quietly to enjoy 
his own at home," proceeds thus : 

" But herein hath notably appeared what Cities hath faithfully 
served, and suffered extreme danger, not only of goods, but also of 
famine and death, rather than to suffer the King's enemies to enter : 
aud what white-livered cities hath not only not withstood them, but 
also with shame favored them, and with mischief aided them. And 
I would I might herein praise all Cities alike, which I would do if 
all were like worthy." He then commends Exeter highly for having 
held out against the rebels under very discouraging circumstances ; 

1 This had probably been destroyed during the night attack made by the rebels, 
when much damage was done to the city gates. City Chamb. Accompts, p. 304J. 

" Item to other ij men y' gathered together and carryed ^ 

to the guyld halle certen yronworke y' was fownde ! - 

at the comon stathe and at dyvers gats of the Cyte f 
y* war brent J 

- Eegister of Privy Council, Edw VI. vol. i. p. 566. 3 Edward's Journal. 

o 2 


" Whose example," he continues, " if Norwich had followed, and 
had not rather given place to traitor Kett, than to keep their duty ; 
and had not sought more safeguard than honesty, and private hope 
more than common quietness ; they had ended their rebellion sooner 
and escaped themselves better. * * * * And although this 
cannot be spoken against certain honest men that were amongst 
them, whose praise was the greater because they were so few, yet the 
great number was such, that they not only obeyed the Rebel for fear, 
but also followed him for love, and did so traitorously order the 
King's band under my Lord Marquis, that they suffered more 
damage out of their houses by the towns men, than they did abroad 
by the Rebels. 1 Whose fault as the King's Majesty may pardon, so 
I would either the example might be forgotten, that no City might 
hereafter follow the like; or the deed be so abhorred, that other 
hereafter would avoid the like shame, and learn to be noble like 
Exeter, whose truth doth not only deserve long praises, but also 
great rewards." 

Blomefield, commenting on the above, says, and his statements 
are confirmed by Nevylle 2 so far as he mentions the behaviour and 
proceedings of the principal citizens : In this great calamity (notwith- 
standing the upbraiding of Sir John Cheke, who knew little of the 
matter only by hearsay), the Mayor, Aldermen, and principal citizens, 
with the City Clergy, behaved with the utmost allegiance to the 
King, and the greatest prudence for the safeguard of their City and 
Country ; the former by consulting daily what was best to be done, and 
the latter by preaching by day in the Camp and churches, and by 
watching in the night with armour on their backs ; so that nothing 
that belonged to them, as worthy ministers and faithful subjects, was 
at any time omitted : so far were they from deserving that unjust 

1 This rests only on Sir John's authority, neither Nevylle nor Sotherton making 
any mention of it. 

2 Thus the Mayor, as soon as they came towards Norwich, tried by money and fair 
promises to turn them from their enterprise ; he refused to allow them to pass through 
the City ; and, if permission had been granted, he and his brethren were ready to act 
against the rebels. 


censure of Sir John's, that it was not the principal part of the City 
that were for the Rebels, but only the refuse of it, there being not 
one (that I have met with), of any figure or character, 1 that sided with 
them, though, indeed, there was a great number of the populace 
that favoured them : and the state of the City was such that it was 
not in the power of the magistrates to keep the City against them, 
as Excester did, with whose conduct Sir John upbraids this place; 
but it is evident, that had they been able to have done it before, they 
would have done it ; for, upon succours coming, they immediately 
put themselves in a posture of offence, till which time it was impos- 
sible to do more than they did, which was to stand upon the point 
of defence. And the aforesaid Author exclaims against Norwich in 
relation to the affair of the Marquis's miscarriage, and justly extols 
Excester 3 for her prowess ; yet, if we come to examine things, as 
we shall find the one deservedly praised, so shall we see the other 
as undeservedly and unjustly upbraided. Excester is a City (if I 
may credit the accounts we have of it) placed on a hill having 
a castle, the site of which is eminent, and above both the City and 
country adjoining, for they do all lie as under the lee thereof : the 
City is strongly ditched and walled round, and is not easily to be 
gotten by force, and was well provided with cannon, and other 
weapons of defence : on the contrary, Norwich is like a great volume 
with a bad cover, having at best but parchment walls about it. Nor 
can it with much cost or time be fortified, because under the frowning 
brow of Household hill, hanging over it, the river Tare, 3 so wanton 
that it knoweth not its own mind, which way to go, such the involved 

1 Sir Nicholas Lestrange was, however, suspected of doing so. See App. (S). 

2 Having spoken of Exeter as being " much and worthily to be commended" for its 
resistance, he says that it " being in the midst of Rebels, unvictualled, unfurnished, un- 
prepared, for so long a. siege, did nobly hold out against the continual and dangerous 
assaults of the Eebels; for they sustained the violence of the Rebels, not only when they 
had plenty enough of victual, but also 11 or 12 days after the extreme famine came on 
them ; and living without bread were in courage so manful, and in duty so constant, that 
they thought it yet much better to die the extreme death of hunger, showing truth to 
their king and love to their country, than to give any place to the Rebel and favour him 
with aid, although they might have done it with less danger." 3 Not Tare, but Wensum. 


flexures thereof within one mile of this city, runneth partly by, partly 
through it, hut contributeth very little to the strengthening thereof- 
Now, what could a weak city do in opposition to so great a multitude 
possessed of such a hill as gave them not only a large prospect, but 
a full command over it ; and being neither strong by art nor nature, 
and quite destitute l of any number of cannons, and other weapons 
of defence, could be in no capacity to make any resistance ? and 
therefore it had been as imprudent in the magistrates here to have 
pretended to act as they did at Excester, as it was prudent in them ; 
and as to the miscarriage of the Marquis of Northampton, it was so 
far from being occasioned by any misconduct of the citizens, that 
it was only their misfortune that so unfit a man was sent to their 
rescue, he being more acquainted with the witty than the warlike 
part of Pallas (as being complete in music, poetry, and courtship), 
and so few succours, and many of them Italians, that it gave the 
rebels further pretence to fill the country with complaints that these 
were only a handful of an armsful to follow, driving on the design 
to subject England to the insolence of foreigners : for though neither 
wisdom nor valour was wanting in the King's soldiers, yet success 
failed them, being too few to defend Norwich and oppose the rebels. 
What was 1,500 soldiers (for there were no more of the English 
troops) to 20,000 rebels ? while, on the other hand, Sir John Russell, 
Lord Privy Seal, a person of a stout spirit, proper for such a service, 
and a man of great interest in that country, as well as estate, was 
sent down to Excester, with a convenient power of men of war, 
both on foot and horseback, and two bands of strangers; a power 
sufficient to engage those rebels, who were only about 10,000." 

The truth probably lies between these two extremes, the citizens 
neither deserving the reproaches cast upon them by Cheeke, nor the 
praise they receive at the hands of Blomefield : if the rebellion had 
been crushed speedily, they would have sided with the " Lord Lieute- 
nant ;" whereas, Kett being, at least for the present, triumphant, we 
cannot be surprised if, in the confusion that ensued, numbers were 

1 Not " quite," but " nearly destitute." 


disposed to think favourably of his cause, and to avail themselves, by 
joining him, of the opportunity now offered them for plundering, and 
committing other excesses. 

The following letter, 1 from the Lords of the Council to the Earl 
of Shrewsbury, shows plainly in how serious a light this commotion 
was now regarded. 

" After our most hartie commendacons unto your good Lordship ; 
you shall understand that the rebells about Norwiche, in Norff. 
remayninge yet still in their obstinate rebellion, have not only now of 
late refused the King's Ma tc ' s pdon, but also made themselfs a partie 
against our very good Lord the Marques of Northampton, his High- 
nes' Lieutennt there, and in a skirmishe have slayn the Lord Sheffield, 
S r John Cleere, and another gentilman, named Cornwale's : And 
albeit ther wer a farre gretter nomber of the said rebells slayn at the 
same tyme, yet, considering that by this begynning they seeme to 
have conceyved a courage, lyke as we have given order here for ther 
chastisment in such sort as we trust they shalbe a terrible example to 
all others of like sorte, yet, to be in a suretie in all events, we have 
thought good to pray your Lordship to take undelayde order, w' as 
many hable horsemen and fotemen w'in the King's Ma te ' 8 comission, 
w ch you shall receyve herew', as may be conveniently furnished ; so 
as they, w* such Captaynes as you shall thinke mete, may be in full 
redynes, upon one houre's warning, to marche under your Lordship, 
either towards the King's Ma te or otherways, as by our next lettres 
shalbe signified unto you. And so we byd your Lordship most hartely 
farewell. From Westm. the thirde of August 1549. 

" Y' Lordship's assured loving frends, 



" To o r very good Lorde th' Erie of Shrewsberye. 

Hast post, hast for thy lief, lief. Poste of Howard Papers. 

Dancaster, see this l re delyvered." 

Lodge's Illustrations, vol. i. p. 133. 


The City, being now wholly at the mercy of Kett, the wild 
passions of whose followers were fearfully excited by their success, 
great numbers of the inhabitants fled out of the City. Men's hearts 
were, for the most part, smitten with fear to such an extent, that some 
having their minds alienated from all regard for their goods, or for 
those dear to them, left their wives and children, and all their posses- 
sions, in the power of the enemy ; fleeing " in theyr doublets and 
hosen, and some in theyr lightest garments beste " adapted for ena- 
bling them " to escape, and make haste away :" l while others, what- 
soever gold, silver, plate, or household stuff they possessed, hid it in 
wells, ponds, and other secret places, " that it might not bee helping 
to the Rebellis thereafter." l Terrible indeed was that day : women 
and children crying ; the rebels shouting at their victory ; houses in 
flames and falling with a loud crash : a sad day was that for the good 
old City ! After the departure of the Marquis, fire being thrown 
upon the tops of the houses, most of which were thatched, it spread 
from house to house, and from one street to another, with fearful 
rapidity, till in a short time it had consumed very many houses and 
other buildings; providentially, much rain fell just at this time, by 
which the fire was speedily checked and hindered from spreading so 
much as otherwise it might have done. 

To add to the horrors of the scene, numbers from the Camp 
entered the City, forced their way into the houses of the richer 
inhabitants, plundered them, and then set them on fire, indulging 
recklessly in every kind of excess. Striking, indeed, is the picture 
Nevylle draws of this long-remembered day : " lamentable and miser- 
able was the state of the City at this time : when nothing was seene 
or heard, but lamentation and weeping of those that were vexed and 
troubled : and contrary, the rejoycing of the enemy, the weeping of 
women, the crying of men, and the noise of them that ran about the 
streets : then the clashing of weapons, the flames of the burning, the 
ruines and fall of houses, and many other fearefull things (which that 
I may not make lesse in speaking), I willingly let passe, which so 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 


filled with horrour, not onely the mindes, and eyes of the beholders ; 
but strooke with incredible sorrow the hearts and eares of all that 
heard it." l 

The City being thus in their power, those that still remained in 
it, shutting their gates and doors, hid themselves in the most secret 
parts of their houses. The Mayor's Deputy, " dowghtful what to doe, 
entring his howse and finding his servants departid with the armie," 
the last to go being one of the Marquis's attendants, to whom was 
" delyvered a payre of silver flaggons ;" " seeing the Citty empty of 
all assistance, and every man's dore shutt, comfortlesse," and feeling 
himself reserved to see his country's downfall, without any to advise 
or help him in this hour of sore trial, with a heavy heart went up 
alone to " his highest Gallery :" looking out, he saw that they " had 
set y e whole bowses in the streete calld Holmstreete 3 a fyer on both 
sydes, with a grett part of the Hospitall bowses of office that longid s 
to the poore in that howse, and allsoe the Cyttie gates called Bishops 
gates with the leade thereof molten, and the gates and bowses of them 
of pockthorpe, Magdeline, St. Austens, Coslney, and Berstret gates all 
on fier that dale;" and thinking it probable, after having brought 
destruction upon the houses, they would offer violence and death unto 
men, he shut his doors, and kept himself within his house. On 
looking towards St. Augustine's, he saw "in the feilds without, 
comming with a drum before them in att the gates a greate numbre 
of Rebellis, who came to his house and rappid, and cryde, Set fire in 
the gates ;" which some beginning to do, " hee being greatly afraide, 
(for all his servants were fled from him,) himselfe alone unshut the 
gates ; 4 whom presently they tooke, and plucked off his gowne, (which 
hee used at that time,) calling him rebel, and threatning him a most 
shameful death," unless he would tell them in what place the 
Marquis of Northampton was hidden ; on his answering, " They were 
departed," all were very indignant, and rushing with much violence 
into his house, they searched " every hole and place, and found none 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 Now Bishop-Bridge Street. 3 I. e. " belonged." 
4 Sotherton says : " The said depute required an old man that kept the gate to 
open the Klyckett," or small door in the gate. 



to qualify l their fiercenes :" after they had done this, " hee was 
faine to give them the whole mony in his purse to departe." After- 
wards " came another company that brake open his shop and in 
burthens carryed away " whatever was therein, " tyll one Doo of theyr 
company, a servant of Mr. Smith of Huntingfielde had sharply told 
them for robbing and spoyling they all should be hangid, whereuppon 
many of theyr fardles 3 were cast agen into the shopp : whome to 
ridde was fayne to bee cutt both shirt cloaths and doublet cloths of 
fustian, and given them to save the rest : and after theyr departure 
came another company to have spoyled, had not the seid Doo and 
three or foure mor kept them off, saying hee was spoyled before." '* 

In like manner, many of the citizens, into whose houses the rebels 
had entered, under pretence of seeking the Marquis of Northampton, 
were utterly robbed of all that they had : this was more especially the 
fate of those who had left the City, the insurgents proclaiming them 
rebels, and open enemies to the King's Majesty ; and that therefore 
their goods were confiscated. The servants of those who had fled, in 
order " to save y e rest of theyr masters goods devisid," as did also 
some of the citizens, " to bake bred, and to rost, and to bake pasties 
and to give it unto them to save the rest ;" 5 whereby it came to pass 
that the miserable and hungry people being pacified, they were some- 
what stayed from their plundering. Nevertheless, very many sus- 
tained great loss and injury ; and were so overcharged with the great 
expenses to which they were put, that ever after while they lived (and 
many live at this day), 6 they, in their household affairs, fared the 
worse. In the midst of all this confusion, thought and care for the 
future, as it seemed, came suddenly into the minds of the rebels : 

1 /. e. "to justify:" if they had found any one concealed, it would have been a 
sufficient justification for the violence they were using. 

2 Nicholas Sotherton. 

3 /. e. " bundles." An interesting use of the word is met with in Acts xxi. 15, 
where the Genevan version has, " We trussed up our fardles." 

4 Nevylle gives the above very briefly, and makes it appear that Augustine Steward 
received back all he had lost. 

5 Nicholas Sotherton. 6 1575. 


wherefore, desisting from violence, they began to think of their own 
safety ; and commanded the Mayor's Deputy, and the chief of the 
City, that watch and ward should be kept by the citizens every day at 
all the gates : should they refuse to do this, they threatened them 
with death and grievous torments. 

" And now began the Rebellis againe to posses the Cittye, and to 
have Aldermen and Constables at their commandments, 1 and in tyme 
of raine in the night season they incamped," horrible to relate, 3 " in 
the Cathedrall Church, callyd Christs Church in Norwich, and had 
the rewle 3 to doe what them listed, and kept the gates themselves 
of the Cittye wyth the prisons and other places, soe that they 
rewled * the wholle, and would command men by howses to watch 
theyr campe and gates in the night, which both many men and theyr 
servants then att home were feine to doe untill after God gave the 
victory." 5 

The rebels having Norwich in their power, and anxious to win 
over Yarmouth, issued the following commission : 

" Nicholas Byron our commissioner in this behalf. Be it known 
to all men, that we Robert Kett and Thomas Aldrich, commissioners 
of the King's camp at Moushold, have appointed out of our camp 
aforesaid, one hundred of men to return from us to Yarmouth, for the 
maintenance of the King's town there against our enemies. 

" Also we do certify you, that we, for the more sufficient and 
necessary victualling of our said hundred men, do appoint Richard 
Smith, Thomas Clarke, 7 and John Rotherham, and also to take up 
horses for the further ay ding of our said men. 

" Dated at the King's Great Camp at Moushold the 5th day 
of August in the 3rd year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King- 
Edward the Sixth. 


1 I. e. " command." 2 Nevylle. 3 I. e. " rule." 4 /. e. " ruled." 

4 Nicholas Sotherton. 6 Swinden's History of Great Yarmouth. 

7 " Thomas Clerke" was one of the Governours, and represented the Hundred of 
Walsham. See Appendix (0). 

p 2 


To which commission and commissioners the town absolutely 
refused compliance ; whereby they were more incensed, and devised 
other stratagems to surprise it ; which the town understanding, sent 
up George Millicent, Gilbert Grice, and John Echard, three of their 
principal burgesses, to inform His Majesty of the rebels' proceedings, 
who admitted them to an audience, and afterward directed his letter 
to the town, the tenour of which followeth : 


" Well beloved, we greet you well, and lett you wit that it hath 
been signified unto us by our dearest uncle the duke of Somersett, 
governor of our person, and protector of our realms, dominions, and 
subjects, that ye, the officers of our town of Yarmouth, have, as to the 
duty of good subjects pertaineth, imployed yourselves to put in order 
of defence our town and port there, against such our unkind and 
unnatural subjects of those parts, as, not regarding their obedience, 
have shewed themselves in arms against us, not fearing God, who 
chiefly of all precepts admonisheth of obedience of subjects to their 
sovereign lord, have, as much as in them lyeth, given liberty to 
foreign enemies to attempt their malice by invasion of this our realm 
of England and other dominions, which hitherto have, by the good 
subjects of the same, been most valiantly defended, and further by 
their unkindness forced us, contrary to our nature, to divide ourself, 
being head, from our own members, yea to consent that one part 
should destroy the other, to preserve thereby the state of a king with 
the kingdoms and dominions left unto us by God, and most just title. 
These members joined and united together, by the direction and 
order of the head, might have been a full and perfect strength 
and puissance to have resisted or invaded any outward enemy 
whatever, which by the oneration of division at home hath not 
only taken from us all opportunity to follow our intire and good 
proceedings in Scotland, besides the consumption here of our treasure 
and victual, whereof the multitude have and shall find lack, but 
also maketh us and our said realms and dominions an open prey 
and ravin to whomsoever list to take advantage of them. Wherefore 


like as provoked hereunto by these with whom no admonition nor 
clemency can prevail to acknowledge their duties, we have resolved 
to address down a main force very shortly in the order of our 
said uncle, 1 and by him to weed and try out our good subjects 
from the evil, to minister ayde and comfort to the one, and con- 
trariwise to extend the rigour .and extremity of our sword to the 
other. So for the particular favour and tender zeal wee bear 
unto you, our good subjects of that town, having been pleased to 
grant the fruition of our royal presence to such as come hither 
from you : we have thought good by advice of our said uncle, to 
make you partakers of our said favour by these our special letters, 
by which rendering unto you condign thanks for the service 
already ministred unto us, We will and exhort you so to con- 
tinue by the gard of our town, that at the coming of our said 
uncle, both he may be able to report unto us the further continuance 
of your service, and besides find cause further to relieve and help 
you, as occasion upon his arrival shall require. Given under our 
signet at our palace of Westminster, the sixth of August, in the 
third year of our reign. 


" To our well beloved the deputies to the bailiffs 
of our town of Yarmouth, and to the rest of 
our good and obedient subjects there." 

The reason of the above direction was, because the King 
and his ministers had intelligence that the bailiffs of Yarmouth 
were detained in the insurgents' camp : they had been so, but 
had escaped before this letter was received. 

The chiefs pretended to be executors of justice between man 
and man, and to be, as it were, lords spiritual and temporal; 
and directed their letters mandatory accordingly, as is manifest 
by the following : 

" Nicholas Pen 2 and Thomas Gardiner we commend us unto 
you, desiring you in God's behalf, and for the discharge of your 

1 It was at first intended, after Northampton's defeat, that Somerset should go against 
the rebels. 2 Qne of the bailiffs. 


own conscience to go through with this bringer, for all such legacies, 
as be due to him by the death of his uncle, and if you shall refuse to 
do this, there will be found means to bring you hither before us by 
complaint to your great shame. Prom Moushold this viij of August. 


Another Commission. 

" We do require you, and in the King's name do straightly 
charge you John, of Great Yarmouth, that you do repair home, and 
bring with you, with as much speed as may be, a last of beer, 
to maintain your poor neighbours withal, and if any man disturb 
or lett you, in this business, he shall suffer imprisonment of body. 
From Household this tenth of August. 


But as none of these orders were complied with, they deter- 
mined to storm the town, and compel the inhabitants to surrender 
at discretion. To this end a large body of the insurgents, having 
made themselves masters of Lothingland, procured six pieces of 
ordnance from Lowestoft, and brought them to a close at the 
north end of Gorleston, 1 intending to batter the town from thence ; 
which being perceived, a party of townsmen were privately detached 
to set fire to a large stack of hay on the west side the haven, 
which being duly executed, raised a prodigious smoke, and the 
wind, being northerly, drove the said smoke directly upon the face 
of the enemy, which so blinded them, that they did not perceive 
the Yarmouth men coming upon them ; whereby many of the 
rebels, being unprepared, were slain, and thirty taken prisoners, 
who, with the six pieces of ordnance, were immediately brought 
to Yarmouth, and confined in close hold. 

The rest, being exceedingly irritated by the above disaster, 
dared to approach the very walls of the town, and to destroy as much 

1 Now called Southtown. 


as possible all the materials provided for the new haven, 1 then in 
making across the Denes near the south gate, to which they did 
irreparable damages ; but being driven thence by the ordnance ~ 
from the walls and mounts, they fled, and never appeared about 
the town afterwards. 

The Commissioners' Orders for defending the Town against the Rebels, 
VJth August, 1549. 3 

" First, that the Dragon shall ride between the town and the new haven of the 

town, and three doggers with her. 
" Item, That the Eose Lion, and the rest of the doggers, shall ride in the north 

end of the town. 

" Item, The rest of the fleet shall ride in the midst of them against the town. 
" Item, The small pinnace to go up to Waybridge, 4 being victualled for four 

days, having twenty-six men in her. 
" Item, At Bokenham Ferry the broderers, 5 with certain men, and one small 

boat with her. 
" Item, To scour the country thirty horsemen with pikes, twelve half hacks, 6 

eighteen bowmen. 
" Item, To be appointed in the eight wards so many captains, and petty captains 

under them of their own choice, over and besides the constables, and one 

more that shall be appointed by the bailiffs, that is practised for the setting 

in order of the same. 

1 In an address to Queen Elizabeth's " most honorable privy counsayle," the 
authorities claimed, on the one hand, credit for the boldness with which they had resisted 
the above attacks, and, on the other, aid to remedy the injuries the town had consequently 
received : " The said Kett with his rebelles made attempt to take that towne for their 
hold, which the inhabitants of that towne would in no wise permit, or consent unto, but 
kept the towne for the kinges majesty according to their allegeance, albeit Kett and the 
rebelles besieged it, summoning and threatening it with fier and sworde ; nevertheless 
the said townsmen not onlye kepte them out but drave them awaye, and toke certain 
greate ordinance from them, which they had gotten from Leistofte and other places ; and 
also they did slea, kille and wounde many of the said rebelles : the which thinge the said 
rebelles did revenge upon the said towne of Yarmouth by spoyling the workes of their 
haven, and stoppinge yt up in the night tyines." Sieinden's History of Great Yar- 
mouth, p. 446. 

2 A demi-cannon shot from the mount at the market-gate did great execution. 
Swinden. 3 Swinden. 

4 Acle Bridge, on the Bure, nearly a mile east of Acle, is called in all legal docu- 
ments "Weybridge. White's Norfolk Directory : Acle. 

8 Probably "the borderers." 6 I. " short hand-guns." 


" Item, That every constable shall learn to know in his ward what townsmen 
are now in the camp, and thereof to certify the bailiffs of the same town ; 
and further to certify the names of such as they shall perceive to speak any 
rebellious words, as well men as women, and also to give knowledge how 
many of the rebels wives be in the camp, and how many be at home." 

Of all which proceedings the town, from time to time, sent 
up messengers to certify the Lords of the Council, from whom 
they received further instructions to direct them in this important 
business ; there being at that time joined to them in special com- 
mission Thomas Cleere, Knt., and Thomas Wodehouse, Knt. ; as by 
another letter sent them by the then Lord Treasurer of England 
doth appear : 

" After right hearty commendation. I have perceived by this 
bearer, and also by your letter written to my lords, that you have 
entered the town of Yarmouth, and be in good trust to continue the 
same for the king, and how that you have given order to the Iceland 
fleet for their fish, which things be very well done, and so is your 
search made for the stay of the passage next to the rebels ; the doing 
whereof requireth to be wisely handled for danger of yourselves, or 
some of yours, and therefore have good espials before you for your 
good proceedings, and go strongly to the same when you go, and 
so do all that you may for the defence of the town, and the said ferry ; 
and as you confer by secret means with my lord Wentworth and 
Mr. Vice Chamberlain for the stay of Suffolk side, so I think good that 
you give knowledge to the lord of Warwick of your proceedings, and 
desire his advice in the same, and do what he shall further advise 
you. And if at any time you shall perceive you shall be needy of 
more help, then take more strength to you whatsoever you do, 
and doubt not but your well doing shall at all times comfort the 
lords to keep you from great loss, and from any new charge to be 
imposed upon you, and to give you thanks for your effectual travel. 
Written the 19th August, 1549. Your friend 


" To my loving friends, Sir Thomas Cleere, knt. and 
Sir Thomas Wodehouse, knt. be this delivered 
at Yarmouth in hast 
hast hast hast post hast hast." 


The following " depositions" l show that an attempt was made in 
Essex to excite a favourable feeling towards the Norfolk insurgents ; 
but with what success does not appear. 

" Colchester. Deposicions there taken the Seventh day of August, in the Third 
yere of the Eeigne of our Soveraigne Lord Kyng Edward the Sixth by the 
grace of God Kyng of yngland, fraunce, and yreland Defender of the feyth 
and in erth under God of this Chirche of yngland and yreland the Soveraine 
hede, before Benjamvn Clere and Bobert Flyngant bayllies of our said 
Soveraigne Lord the Kyng of hia graces auncyent borough and towne 
of Colchester in Essex. 

" Wyllyam Browne, of Colchester, draper and teyllo r S r Eoger Peerson of 
Colchester priest S r John Kobynson priest parson of Tadeston in Suif. 
Eichard Kent of Sturton in Suff. were sworne and examyned the day 
aforeseid before the said bayllies at Colchester deposen and seyen that all 
they were at Supper the last nyght in the howse of the aforeseid deposed 
"Wyllyam Browne at whiche tyrue there was wyth them at the seid supper 
one S r . John Chaundeler parson of Alswiththorp 2 in Norfolk nere to lynne. 
whiche seid S r John Chaundeler emonge sondry and dyvers woords then 
and there seyd, I wolde the towne of Lynne and all the Gentylmen there 
were on fyre. 

" Itm more he seyd, that there was vi posts sent from their campe unto the 
Kyngs Councell and never one of them could come to the seid Kyngs 

" Itm he more seyd, that there is in nomber of men at Norwyche Campe vi score 

" Itm he more seyd, that the Gentylmens Servants of Lynne went abrode 
and killed poore men in their harvest werk and also kylled women there 
wyth chyld. 

" Itm he more seyd, that he mett at Bury to the nombre as he thought vij 
thousand of the townes of Bury Hadley Langham Brendon 3 Ely w* other 
townes thereabout, and more seyd where as there is one man I wold there 
were ten men. 

" Itm more he seyd, one Capteyne Buntyng 4 like a false knave layd his hatt 
downe by a well side and we there thought he had bene drowned, and at 
the same tyme he fled into Lynne and at his cummyng they shott a pele of 
Gonnes and there he is styll remayning." 

1 Lansdowne MSS. ii. 75. 

* Allthorpe or Alethorpe seems to be the place meant ; but (?) 3 Brandon Ferry. 
4 " Eobert Bunting of Snettisham," as he is called in a letter from " Thomas Hussey 
to Win. Cecill." State Paper Office Domestic, Edward VI. vol. viii. 45. 



In the meanwhile, the Mayor's Deputy and others "procured 
Dr. Barret a preacher, and other preachers to goe up among the 
rebells, and preach Gods word. Which notwithstanding helpid not 
att all for soe impudent were they and out of ordre," l that no -one 
could restrain them. At this trying time the women, moved by the 
slaughter they had witnessed, tried to induce them to have compassion 
upon them, their husbands, and their children; to remember that 
they were men themselves ; and that, whatever ills they had suffered, 
they had now obtained ample satisfaction ; and to lay aside those 
violent and angry feelings which must, in the end, bring ruin upon 
them all. Neither threatenings, however, nor the counsel of the wise, 
" nor flattering prayers, nor any thing else could restraine them from 
so great rage of villanie :" a " there was noe hope that any Cytezin 
looked for to enjoy his owne : such as had trusty servants causid theyr 
goods, bonds, stuffe and mony to bee made up in wallis and sellers, 3 
for that they looked with fire to bee consumed : the masters them- 
selves in many placis was feine to bee " concealed " in false rovis 4 and 
other secret placis, lest if they had been taken prisoners, as other 
Gentlemen were, they shuld bee dryven to Rebell." * 

As it was now very evident that this Rebellion could only be 
suppressed by force, " the King sent into Lincolnshire and other placis 
of the Realme, and mustridd 6 and toke up a greate numbre of soul- 
diours and allsoe sent for divers Lauuce Knights and other strangers 
to make a power to suppres the seide Rebells." l The command was 
at first given to the Duke of Somerset, as appears from the following 
proclamation : 

" EDWARD 6 By the King. 

" Trustie and right well beloved we grete you welle. And 
whereas oon Ket 7 a Tanner supported by grete nomebre of vile and 
idell personnes hath taken upon hym our royall power and Dignitie, 
and calleth hymselfe master and kyng of Norff. and Suff. withe dero- 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 Wood's Translation. 3 I. e. " walls and cellars." 

4 /. e. " roofs." 5 i e- mustered." 

6 The king's name is not written, but printed from a stamp. 7 /. e. " one." 


gacion of our Imperial! crowne and majestie and not contente to 
perswade our Subjects, whom we were well contented to receyve to 
our mercie, to refuse our most gracious pardon, but causeth also a 
grete nombre of our honest and good subjects to followe and ayde bym, 
and so continueth the rebellyon in most vile sorte, kyllyng, spoylyng, 
and kepyng in fetters and chaynes gentelmen, servingmen, yeomen, 
and fermers, and other honest men, who have regarde of their faythe 
and Dutie unto us, robbyng Ladies and Widdowes houses, sekynge 
nothinge but spoyle and subversion of us and the good estate of the 
realme : "We, have appointed our most entierly beloved Uncle the 
Duke of Somerset, governor of our person and protector of our realmes, 
dominions, and subjects, with an army Royall to go agaynst them, and 
with Goddes helpe to subdue them to the terror of all others, whome 
lyke as we have appoynted to march forwardes with all spede possible, 
So havyng reposed a speciall trust and confidence in your good tower- 
denes and redynes to serve us, we have appoynted you to give your 
attendance upon our said Uncle, and therfore do wille and requier you 
immediatly, upon the sight hereof, with all spede to put your selfe in 
arredynes 1 with an hundreth hablemen, or so many mor as ye are able 
to make and maye trust unto of your servauntes, tenantes, and fryndes, 
well furnyshed with armour and weapon, whereof so many to be dymy- 
lances or lyght horsemen, as ye can furnyshe, with able and good 
horses and other convenient furnyture, to be at our Towne of Waldon 
in our Countie of Essex the xvijth. daye of this present moneth at the 
furthest ; at which tyme and place ordre shalbe gyven for the bryngyng 
of them thether to your contentation, requiring you not to fayle as yc 
tender our pleasure, and will answer for the contrary at your perilles. 
Given under our signet at our pallayce of Westminster the xth. of 
August the thirde yere of our Raign. 


For some reason, Somerset did not accept the command thus 
intrusted to him, and it was given to John Dudley, 3 Earl of Warwick, 

1 I. e. " a readiness." 2 Cotton MSS. Vespasian, F. iii. 37. Original. 

3 John Dudley was the son of Edmund Dudley, so well known, with his colleague, 
Bichard Empson, as the rapacious minister of Henry VII. The first we hear of him, 

Q 2 


" a man of great nobility and marvellous courage ;" l whereupon the 
following proclamation was issued : 

" A Proclamation for Gentlemen to repaire to theire Severalt 
dwellings of Essex, Suff. and Norff. 

" The Kings Majestic by the advice of his most entirelie beloved 
uncle the Lord Protector and the rest of his hignes Counsell straightlie 
chargeth and commandeth all Gentlemen of what estate, degree or 
condicion soever they be, who hath their habitacion and dwelling in 
Essex, to depart from the Court of the Cittie of London, and other 
places neare unto them, into their severall habitacions in the said 
County of Essex, with all convenient speed, there to remaine till they 
shall knowe further of the king's majesty's pleasure. Likewise such 
Gentlemen as hath their habitacions and dwelling in Suffolke, to 
depart into their said habitacions in Suffolke, and there to remaine 
untill such time as they shall have commaundement from the King's 
Majestic, or from the Earle of Warwicke. And further that all Gentle- 
men, Inhabitants of Norff., doe repaire to the said Earle of Warwicke, 
so that they be with the said Earle, to attend uppon him in the Kings 
majesties Armye, in his Conduct and leading for his highnes better 

after his father's attainder had been repealed (3 Henry VIII.) ia his receiving the honour 
of knighthood from Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, general of the array sent into 
France against the Duke of Bourbon. He was created Viscount L'Isle, 12th March, 
1542, and the same year was appointed Lord Admiral of England for life. In this 
capacity he displayed great gallantry, and did good service against France and Scotland. 
On the accession of Edward VI. " The L. Lisle was mad [i. e. made] erle of Warwic and 
the Lord Great Chamberlainship was gieven to him." (Edward the Sixth's Journal.) 
Through his intrigues the quarrel arose between the Protector Somerset and his brother, 
Lord Thomas Seymour, which terminated in the public execution of the latter. On the 
llth October, 1551, he was created Duke of Northumberland. Having succeeded in 
bringing about the condemnation and death of Somerset, his next step was to induce the 
King to sign and seal a patent conferring the succession upon Lady Jane Grey (eldest 
daughter of Henry, Duke of Suffolk, by Mary, Queen Dowager of France, and sister of 
King Henry VIII.), the wife of his son, Lord Guildford Dudley. His subsequent 
efforts, after the decease of Edward VI., to establish this patent by force of arms proving 
abortive, he was arrested, upon a charge of high treason, at Cambridge, and, being con- 
demned, was beheaded on Tower Hill, 22nd August, 1553. Burke's Extinct Peerages. 
1 "Wood's Translation. 


service uppon Satturdaie next followinge or Sundaie at the furthest. 
And his said Majestic, by the advice aforesaid, most straightlie 
chargeth all persons to whome it maie appertaine, to followe and 
execute with all convenient speed and dilligence, uppon paine of his 
highnes indignacion and displeasure. Providede allwaies, and his 
highnesse nevertheles doth signifie, that by this present proclamacion 
it is not his Majesties minde that anie such gentlemen, as be of the 
ordinaires of his highnes chamber or houshould, should depart or goe 
home. But that they shall give theire attendance uppon his highnes 
here in the Courte, as heretofore they were commanded, anie thing 
in this present proclamacion notwithstanding. 

" Given the xvith. of August in the third yeare of his highnes 
Raigne." l 

Upon learning that he had been appointed to the command of 
the army raised for suppressing the Norfolk rebels, Warwick wrote 
the following letter, in which we find this proud, ambitious man, 
displaying such humility and consideration for others, as, but for 
the existence of this document, no one would have believed him 
capable of: 


" Gentyll master Cecille : after my very harty commendacions for 
your frendly lettre occurrante, perceving how we stand now with the 
ifrench, which in my opynyon ys better for us than under theyr 
colloured frendship use us as yvell as now they can it being open war. 
Wisshing, if it were the wyll of God, that we had no more to deale 
with all at ones. But syns yt ys thus, we must pull uppe our hartes, 
and putt our confydence in the Lorde. And whereas with your lettre 
I received a comyssion in the which yt aperith that I am apoyntyd 
to have the leading of the sheres of Cambridge, Bedford, Hontington, 
Northampton, Norffolk and Suffolk, for the which, like as I do think 
my selfe most bounden to my lordes grace and the Councell for 
inhabling me to receyve so grete a charge, so I cannot but wishe that 
yt might please the same to permytt and suffer my lord Marques of 

1 Cotton MSS., Titus B. ii. 4. This is not the original document, but only a copy. 


Northampton to contynew styll in the force of his Commission, or at 
the lest renewyd, for asmoche as the noble man haveng lately by 
misfortune received discomfort enough, haply this might gyve him 
occasion to think him self utterly discredytycl, and so for ever dis- 
courage him : it in my opynyon were great pyty. Wherfor, yf it 
might please his grace to use his servis agayne, I shalbe as gladd for 
my part to joyn with him ; yea, rather then fayle, with all my hartt 
to serve under him for this journey, as I wold be to have the hole 
auctorite my selfe. And by this meanes his grace shall preserve his 
hartt, and hable him to serve hereafter, which other wys he shalbe 
utterly in himselfe discouradged. I wold wish that no man for oon 
mischaunce or yvell happ, to the which we be all subject, that must 
serve, shold be utterly abject, for yf it shold be so, yt were all most a 
present discomfort to all men be fore they goo to yt. syns thos thinges 
lithe l in God's hand, therfore good Mr. Cicill use your accustomyd 
wysdom and good hartt, that ye bear to my lordes grace, in declaring 
this matter with affect to the same. And with dilligence let me here 
from you agayn and in the meane I shall lose no tyme to putt these 
sheres yn a redynes to serve as apertayneth. Fare you well at Warr- 
wik this sondaye at iiij in the morning the xith. of August. 

" Your faithfull frend 

J. WAEWTK." 3 

Endorsed " To my veray Loveng ffrend Mr. Cicill 
this be delivered with spede." 

The following extracts show that Captain Drury, who subse- 
quently greatly distinguished himself, had been already sent on to 
Cambridge, and that from thence he passed on with his band into 
Suffolk, as a part of Warwick's army : 

" Mr. "Williams had warrant for cP of the sale money to Doctor Wende payd by 
Him to Capt n Drury and his band lying at Cambridge. Aug. vth. 3 

"The same threasurer (Mr. Williams) had warrant for xij" x 8 to Thomas 
Drury in Reward to him and his Band for thapprehension of one Peyn a 
notable Eebell of Suff. this of the sales. xii. Aug. 

1 I. e. " lieth." 2 State Paper Office Domestic, Edward VI. vol. viii. No. 38. 

3 Eegister of Privy Council, Edward VI. vol. i. p. 558. 


" The same Threasurer had warrant for xx u of the sales imprest to the same 
Drury toward payment of his Band to be signified to Hornyold treasurer 
of the troops with therle of "Warwyck." l 

While the date of the following extract, on being compared with 
that (Aug. 10th) of the proclamation nominating Somerset to the 
command (see p. 114), gives us some idea of the state of uncertainty 
in which the Protector was, as to whether or not he should go against 
the Norfolk insurgents : 

" The same threasurer (Mr. Peckham) had warrant for vm" (5,000) to John 
Hermynold [or Hornywold] to be employed by my lorde of Warwickes 
order in tharrny agaynst the Eebelles. Aug. vij." 2 

When tidings of these preparations reached the Camp ; that the 
King and his Council were determined to suppress them by force ; that 
one was appointed to the command who, whatever "he had attempted, 
had always achieved with honour;" 3 and that, besides, " a captayn, 
armour, bands of men, and all instruments for the terror of warre, 
had been provided against them, to be readie and at hand: they 
beganne every day to fortifie themselves, and to look about for all 
things necessary, and to trayne themselves, that they might bee the 
more able to make resistance ;" 4 showing, to the last, that confidence 
in their cause, which makes us feel they were sincere ; and that " stout 
minde," which we cannot but admire. 

The Earl of Warwick, after he had furnished himself with soldiers 
at home and from beyond the seas, with money, weapons, and all 
things necessary for the war, departed from London, accompanied by 
all his forces, and proceeded by Cambridge and " Newmarket to Nor- 
wich ward, with all expedicion they might." 6 

There were in that army, the Marquis of Northampton, Warwick's 
request having been complied with ; Ambrose Dudley, afterwards 

1 Eegister of Privy Council, Edw. VI. vol. i. p. 562. 2 Id. p. 559. 

3 Sir John Hayward. 4 Wood's Translation. 

5 N. Sotherton : Nevylle says the number of his troops was " about 14,000." 
Edward VI. in his Journal, says, " Th'erle of Warwic came with the nombre of 6,000 
men f above 1 (sic) and 1,500 horsmen." 


Earl of Warwick, 1 and Robert Dudley, afterwards Earl of Leicester, 
Warwick's sons ; Lord Willoughby, 3 Lord Powis, 4 Lord Bray, 5 " with 

1 Ambrose Dudley, 1561, was created Earl of "Warwick ; but, though three times 
married, died without issue in 1589. Surge's Extinct Peerages. 

2 Bobert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, was subsequently the notorious favourite of 
Queen Elizabeth. His first wife was the ill-fated Amy Eobsart. Burke 1 8 Ext. Peerages. 

3 Sir "William Willoughby was created Lord "Willoughby of Parham, 16th February, 
1547. He was made lieutenant of Calais and the adjacent marches, in the fourth year 
of Edward VI., and resided there during the remainder of that king's reign. He died in 
1574. George "Willoughby, the seventeenth baron, died without issue in 1779, when 
this barony became extinct. Burke's Extinct Peerages. 

The following extracts show that Lord Willoughby was not (as Nevylle states) with 
Warwick, but that, having raised what troops he could in Lincolnshire, Cambridgeshire, 
&c., he was lying at Lynn at this time, and on the point of setting out for Walsingham, 
or Hingham : supposing him to have done so, he would, undoubtedly, on hearing of the 
Earl of Warwick's coming, hasten to join him at Norwich : 

"Thomas Hussey," iu his letter to " Wm. Cecill" (State Paper Office Domestic, 
Edward VI. vol. viii. 45a), having alluded to "the towardenes of Rob' Buntinge," who 
has been already mentioned (p. 113), continues thus : " As to morowe my Lord Wil- 
loughby intendeth to march toward Walsingham with his hole Band, orelles to Ingham, 
but Walsingham is thought more meet, by cause the partes aboute Ingham is utterly, 
as they saye, spoyled bothe of malt, bevys and mottons. I thyuk he shalbe able to cary 
withime of well armed footmen out of Lyncoln shyre xj hundreth men, and from the town 
of Lynne, Marshland, and Cambregeshyre iiij hundreth men and as I thynk so to wayet 
upon my Lord Leftenaunt upon his pleasure knowen. We have besydes aboute x v * [six 
score] lyght horsmen. As we shall precede so shall I from tyme to tyme advertyse youe. 
Thus I commit youe to God. Prom Kynges Lynne the xixth. of August. 

" Toures to command 


While the following shows that the town of Wisbeach contributed its quota to his 
lordship's forces : 

From the Records of the Wisbech Corporation (A.D. 1549)." Payd for y e costs 
and charge of xxxvij men sent to Lynne to serve y e kings ma tie in his affaires in the 
comocyon tyme agaynst y e rebells in Norff. for their coats dubletts boytes and other their 
apparell with vj" viij d every of them in their purses as by y e particulars [i. e. the bill of 
particulars] it may and dothe appere the sum off xxviij 1 ' ix" viij d ." 

I am indebted to the kindness of W. Peckover, Esq., F.S.A., for this extract. 

4 Sir Edward Grey, third Baron Grey of Powis, died in 1552, without lawful issue, 
and the barony of Grey de Powis consequently became extinct : there is, however, some 
doubt as to its being so. Burke" s Extinct Peerages. 

8 John Braye, second Lord Braye, was a commanding officer in the expedition made 
into France under the Earl of Hertford, in the thirty-eighth year of Henry VIII. ; and 


grett nombre of Lords, knights, 1 and Squiers and Gentylmen, and 
others," native and foreign 3 troops, " with gret store of armour, 
munycion, shot, powder, ordynance shott, whose nombre is written to 
be xij M." 3 

The Earl having commenced his journey, in due course arrived 
at Cambridge, where, in the Accompts of the Treasurers of the town, 
occur the following charges relating to the insurrection, and to War- 
wick's passage through the town : 

" Item, for the exspencs of Mr. Mayer and the companie in the comocion tyme 

at Barnewell, vj s . viij d . 
" Item, to Mr. Mayer for the costs of the watchemen that watched the same 

tyine, xx". 
" Item, to hym at another tyme when Edward Loft went to Thetforthe as a 

scout watche, xv a . 
" Item, for a present gyven to the Erie of "Warwycke by the comaundement of 

Mr. Mayor and the Aldermen, xix 9 . 
" Item, for a reward gyven to his Trompetters, \ s . 

upon the insurrection in Norfolk, in the third (Burke says second, but wrongly) of 
Edward VI., his lordship marched with the Earl of Warwick (Burke says, Marquess of 
Northampton, but wrongly again) for its suppression. He died without issue, 19th 
November, 1557, and was buried at Chelsea Church. BurJce's Extinct Peerages. 

1 In the Earl's train were also, Henry Willoughby, Esq. ; Sir Thomas Gresham ; 
Sir Marmaduke Constable ; William Devereux, son of the Lord Ferrers of Chartley ; 
Sir Edmund Knevet ; Sir Thomas Palmer ; Sir Andrew Flammock ; Henry Wylby, Esq. ; 
Gyles Ffoster, Esq. ; Thomas Lusye of Charlcot, Esq. ; besides many others. Blomefield. 

2 The following relates to these mercenaries (Privy Council Register, Edward VI. 
vol. i. p. 571) : 

" Aug. xx. Sir John Williams had warrant for x 1 ' x s to Sir Thomas Smyth, Mr. 
Secretary for so much pd. to him, viz. ten poundes to Hudson leader 
of the iiij enseignes of Allemans footemen to therle of Warwyck, Lieu- 
tenant of tharmy advaunced against the Rebelles of Norff. the same 
ten poundes to be defolked of ['. e. deducted from] Hudsons wages 
being v 8 per diem and iiij servantes at vi" the pece. Also x s to Humfrey 
Mychell sent to the sayd Hudson with the sayd money. This to be 
repayed of the sales." 

Other notices of payment will be found in Appendix (E). 

3 N. Sotherton: Nevylle says, " about 14,000." Edward VI., in his Journal, says : 
" Th'erle of Warwic came with the nombre of 6,000 men or ubore (sic) and 1,500 


" Item, for the exspences of Richard Bowman and other when they caryed up 
the Rebells in the companye of Payne, 1 xx s . 

" Item, payd to the Proctor of the unyversyte for halffe the charges of hi^ costs, 
and exspencs spent in obteynyge a general pardon, xxxviij 8 . viij d . 

" Item, to Mr. Mayer for the exspencs of the watche, xij s . 
" Item, payd more to the watchemen, xx s . 

" Item, for mendinge of the prison after the prisoners brake out, viz. to Moyne 
for mendinge the grate and a locke, xij d . 

" Item, for carrying out of Gallows, and for a newe Rope, iiij d . 
" Item, for settyng up and bryngyng in of yt agene, vj d ." 2 

He was here met, at the entrance to Cambridge, by certain of the 
Aldermen and citizens of Norwich, who, falling upon their knees, with 
weeping and lamentable voice, began earnestly to entreat him, " That 
he would lay no grievous thing to their charge, for they were innocent 
persons and guiltie of no crime. Yet they besought the mercy and 
favour of the Prince, for they had verily conceived an incredible griefe 
of this miserable destruction and spoile of their countrey, and had 
further indured all extremitie at the rebels' hands. In the end, to 
provide for their lives, they were constrayned to flye the City, and 
with sword and fire were cast out, not only from the City, but from 
their wives and children, and all their friends. In so great misery 
wherewith they were pressed on every side, they crave nothing else, 
but if in this common and exceeding feare, through ignorance and 
folly, unwittingly they have wrapped themselves in any offence, the 
same might not be imputed unto them, but upon their repentance and 
humble petition it might be pardoned." 3 

Hereunto Warwick answered, that " Hee perceived how great 
perill they were in, and that without doubt the strength of those men 
was great, which had driven them from all these things as deare unto 
them as life it selfe ; affirming that they had done nothing amisse to 
his knowledge. In that they had left the Citie in so great feare and 

1 Keeper of the tolbooth or town prison. 

2 From Annals of Cambridge, by C. H. Cooper, Esq., F.S.A., vol. ii. p. 43. 

3 Wood's Translation. 


danger, it was but the infirmitie of man, and to be borne withall. 
Notwithstanding, in one thing they were somewhat imprudent, that 
they withstood not these evils in the very beginning : for a few valiant 
and wise men might have dispatched those companies in a moment, 
if, at the commencement, they had opposed themselves for the health 
of their countrey. Notwithstanding, he granted pardon at their 
request, and offered the King's favour to them all; willing them, 
when they had furnished themselves with weapons, and with the 
furniture of souldiers, to be in a readinesse to follow the host, having 
laces about their necks to be discerned from the rest." l 

After this he departed from Cambridge, and on the 22nd of 
August arrived at Wymondham, being joined on his way by such of 
the Norfolk gentry as still retained their liberty, a proceeding with 
which he was exceedingly pleased. 2 Leaving this place on the 23rd, 
he came with all his army to Intwood, which is distant from Norwich 
about three miles. Here Sir Thomas Gresham 3 had a fair and large 
house, where Warwick abode till next day with his company, who 
remained under arms and ready for battle, if perchance the enemy 
should excite any tumult on the sudden ; who beheld from the walls 
and towers of the City, what was taking place. In the mean time, 
Warwick, while lying with his army at Intwood, " of his clemencie 
and for avoiding of bloudshed and saving the Gentylmen in Capti- 
vity," * sent his herald, 5 who, in the name of the King, as is customary, 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 Blomefield. 

3 Sir Thomas Q-resham resided at Intwood Hall. He here entertained the Earl of 
"Warwick, as stated above, and subsequently Queen Elizabeth, on her progress to Norwich, 
in 1578. His father's mark (Sir Richard Gresham), with the initials R. G., is now on 
the spandril of an old door at Intwood ; and on an ancient porch are the arms of 
Gresham carved in stone, together with the grasshopper, the well-known crest or cogni- 
zance of the family. In 1542 the corporation sent half a porpoise as a present to Lady 
Gresham, at Intwood. Norf. ArcJueol. vol. iii. p. 188. See also Art Journal for 1848, 
in which a view of the old Hall is given. 

4 Nicholas Sotherton. 

5 By referring to the City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 304fi, Appendix (I), it will 
be seen that Warwick had with him " Mr. Norroy, haywad," i. e. herald, " at armye," 
i. e. at arms ; " Mr. Bluemantyll, harward," i. e. herald ; and " jjj Trompeters." "Norroy 

B 2 


proclaimed war against the citizens, unless they immediately opened 
the gates, and admitted the King's army. 

Kett, when he understood that the herald had come to the gates, 
directed Augustine Steward, the Mayor's Deputy, and Robert Rugge, 
Alderman, to go and inquire what he demanded, who replied, " It was 
to know if they would receive in the Leiftenant." These being, 
thereupon, let out at a postern, made answer, " That they counted 
themselves the miserablest men alive, which had indured so many 
and great discomfitures both in minde and body, as at the remem- 
brance thereof all the parts of their body tremble. Neverthelesse, 
this one thing was added unto the rest, which increased the height 
of their calamity, griefe, and shame ; because that fidelity which 
they ought, and earnestly desired to perform to his Majesty, they 
were not able to fulfill at this time, and judged themselves the 
unhappiest that lived in this age ; wherein they were ever compelled 
either to undergoe the danger of their life, or the hazard of their 
dignitie. Notwithstanding, they hoped well of the King's Majestie, 
as those which had no wayes bound themselves in any consent of 
these villanies, but had restrayned (as much as was in them) the 
rest of the citizens, with great losse of their goods, and ever with 
an incredible danger of their lives. Moreover, they most humbly 
besought this one thing of the Earle, that because there were in the 
City an innumerable company of Kett's Campe, unarmed and pore 
(who, besides being through feare and conscience of their owne 
wickednesse holden guilty, moreover were weary of their doings, 
as which had filled the very desire of working mischiefe with the 
sacietie 3 of their furies), it would please him once againe to try that 
which hath been often prooved in vaine : signifying that they greatly 
hoped (if at this time might be offered unto them againe the hope 

king at arms " had a busy time of it, as the following extract from the Privy Council 
Register, Edward VI. vol. i. p. 566, Aug. xx. shows : 

" The same Threasurer [Mr. Williams] had warrant for xlij 1 ' to Norroy king at 

armes for divers voyages by him made into Kent, Essex, Suffolk and 

Norfolk about the pacifying of the Ebelles." 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 /. e. " satiety." 


of impunitie) it would come to passe that forthwith they would 
lay down their weapons, without slaughter and bloudshed. Which 
thing (if it might come to passe) would be an eternall memorie unto 
posteritie, and a glorie exceeding all victorie, if they might carry 
home peace, and their weapons unstained with the bloud of civill 
dissention." * 

The herald straightway departed, and delivered to Warwick 
the answer he had received; who, being anxious, if such were 
possible, " that this flame so dangerous and dreadfull might be 
quenched without slaughter and bloudshed," determined " that 
it should not be measured according to the villanies they had 
committed, but according to the dignitie of the King and the 
utilitie of the kingdome." 1 He was, moreover, afraid lest the 
gentlemen, who were imprisoned in the Castle and elsewhere, 
" tossed and turmoiled with the great waves of feare," might be 
slain : for the rebels were continually threatening them with death, 
and especially Sir Roger Woodhouse, whom they were very bitter 
against. Warwick therefore resolved on trying them again with 
the offer of pardon. 

To this, end the herald, "after one quarter of an bower," 
returned with a trumpeter and said : " Soe the parcullis 3 were 
pullid up hee would see what to doe." The portcullis was raised, 
the gates thrown open, and " xxx or xl of the rebellis well horsid " 
came and " very pleasant and merry," 4 " rid in Couples before the 
Harrold the trumpetter and two Aldermen through y e Cyttie to y c 
gate next the Campe," Bishop Bridge Gates, " where after y e sound 
of y e trumpett," ' "great routs of Rebels came flocking by heapes 
unto them from the hill ; the horsemen thereupon with a swift 
course ranne unto them, commanding, that dividing themselves, the 
one halfe should stand in ranke over against the other." l When 
they had done this, the herald with his trumpeter, and the two 
Aldermen going in the midst between the ranks " the space of 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 

3 I. e. " portcullis." < Blomefield. 


a quarter of a myle," 1 were received on every side with loud shouts, 
all uncovering their heads, and as it were with one mouth crying, 
" God save King Edward ! God save King Edward ! " He having 
commended them for this, the Aldermen at the same time desiring 
them to keep their ranks, at length came to the top of the hill, 
" having on his rich coate of armes, as solemne ensignes of his office." 
Previous to Kett's coming, he spake after this manner : 

"They were not ignorant, from the first time ever since they 
had wickedly taken up armes against their country, how many and 
sundry waies, hy all meanes possible, labour and study, the King's 
Majestic had imploied his care, to the ende to bring them from the 
crueltie of those villainies, whereby they had violated all lawes of 
God and men, to some consideration of their duties, and regard 
of their owne safetie ; and had sent unto them messengers and pro- 
clairners of peace, not once, but often, againe and againe. Notwith- 
standing, they regarded not, but ever despised, and by all meanes 
misused them, through their detestable madnesse and disloyaltie. 
But (now in the sight of God) whither would they rush ? whither 
would they throw both themselves, headlong, and their goods with 
deadly furie ? what measure would they put to their most trecherous 
madnesse ? or what ende of their most vile counsels ? How long, being 
stirred up through pestilent lusts, which they had once suffered to enter 
into their mindes, would they, with deadly folly, continue to pursue 
their false and idle hopes of victory ? How long would they adorne with 
counterfeit titles the foule impietie of mischievous treason ? How long 
would they wrappe in the false garments of seeming vertue their 
horrible foulness and villanies ? Finally, how long would they be 
holden bound with the fatal desire of those things, on their obtaining 
which, if such were allowable, the destruction of the Common-wealth 
would insue presently, much more intolerable and lamentable ? But 
rather now at the last, instead of acting thus, they should look about 
them awhile, and apply both their minds and understanding, and 
mark thorowly, with more intentive eyes, their Common-wealth, 2 
of which in all their talke, no lesse foolishly than wickedly and 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 See Appendix (N). 


ungodly, they are wont to boast. Surely then may easily be seene 
whether they be faithfull subjects, and worthy of the name of good 
citizens ; which have taken up hostile armes against the King's 
Majestic ; which have gathered together routs of wicked men, 
despised and vile; which have brought upon their countrie (the 
common parent of us all) ungodly and sacrilegious hands; which 
have let the refuse of the people, and the vilest of all mortall men 
(cast out, for the most part, of all English societies) into the Common- 
wealth, to the destruction of the good, and overthrow of the kingdome ; 
which have defaced with mercilesse fire, the greatest part of this 
most worthie Citie ; which hath laid in most vile prison and bands, 
many worthy and excellent persons, and have slaine some with most 
extreme torture ; which have utterly emptied the best furnished 
houses, and polled and shaven the neighbour villages ; which have 
alienated to their own use the goods of many (of late rich men, but 
now through their crueltie, miserable and needie) and carried them 
unto their wretched Campe by most cruell robberies ; which have 
forged fained lawes, false letters and commissions in the King's name ; 
which have prophaned the temple of the great and mighty God ; 
overthrowne the houses of private men ; wasted and spoiled the fields 
on every side ; which have converted all their thought, studies, and 
enterprises to destruction, slaughter, wasting, burning, and stealing ; 
finally, which have left nothing remaining, whither the rage and 
madnesse of their furie could further carrie them, but either their 
riotous lusts utterly devoured, or their foul importunitie scattered 
abroad. When they see themselves thus guilty of these so many, 
so great, and so horrible pollutions of wickednesse in the sight of 
God, their King, and the Common-wealth ; and when now they see 
all their goods and substance to be brought into that place, and so 
confiscate and lost, that to bee in a worse condition than now they 
are in (for they are in the worst) they cannot be, if they would ; then 
let them thinke with themselves, into how large a sea of evils they 
have throwne themselves headlong ; and let them thinke what they 
may feare, over whose heads alwaies hangeth the just wrath of God 
(which surely by no meanes can be avoided) and the inevitable power 


of the King, offended and displeased. For his Majestic had decreed, 
not to suffer any longer these so great evils to abide in the bowels 
of his kingdome, neither to leave any longer unpunished and unre- 
venged, this so foul crueltie and intolerable boldnesse. And therefore 
had chosen the Earle of Warwicke, (a man of renowned honour, and 
of great name, and unto this work appointed Generall from his 
Majestie,) who must pursue them with fire and sword ; and hath 
further injoyned him never to leave off untill hee had utterly rooted 
out that vile and horrible company. Notwithstanding, such is his 
great bountie and clemencie, that whom he hath appointed a revenger 
of this desperate and wicked rout (if they persevere) the same also he 
would have, to be (if they shall doe otherwise) a messenger and 
minister of his mercie : l the which, except they would imbrace it at 
this time, refusing all sinister advice, Warwicke hath most solemnly 
sworne, shall never hereafter be offered unto any of them again : but 
(as he was commanded of the King) he would pursue with fire and 
sword all the companions of that most pernitious conspiracy, the 
officers, ministers, and abettors thereof, as the most pestilent enemies 
to the King's Majesty ; neither would he make an end of pursuing 
them, until they (which had defiled all places with their new, unheard 
of, and unpardonable treason, and had drowned themselves in such 
furious waves of wickedness,) had received condigne punishment of 
God and the King." 3 

When he had made an end, although many being doubtful 
as to what the end would be, " in feare tremblid ;" 3 yet the greater 
part, being grievously offended with his speech, were so excited, as 
presently to revile the herald with shouts and cursings ; some calling 
him traitor, and saying that he had not been sent from the King ; 

1 The herald said, "that if they would like naturall subjects repent of theyr 
demeanour and humbly submit themselvis to y c Kings mercy, hee would graunt to them 
his highnes pardon for life and goods, Kett only excepted : if not, hee protested with his 
helpe in whome his confidence rested that hee would never depart out of the place, till, 
without pitty and mercy, hee had vanquisht them with the sword." Of this exception, 
mentioned by Sotherton, Nevylle takes no notice. But for this, it seems likely Kett would 
have accepted, and have used his influence with his followers to induce them to accept, 
the proffered pardon. 

2 "Wood's Translation. 3 Nicholas Sotherton. 


but had received his lesson from the gentlemen, "to bring them 
asleepe with flattering words, and faire promises, in order to deceive 
them in the end, whereby napping as it were, and carelesse, they 
might the easier bee taken, Avhile they feared no such things." 
Others said the pardon in appearance seemed good and liberal, but 
would prove in the end lamentable and deadly, since it was nothing 
else than "barrels filled with ropes and halters:" 1 and as for his 
painted coat, distinct and beautiful with gold, it was not the insignia 
of a herald, but sewed together out of Popish vestments. 2 Many 
things besides, in their rage and fury, they uttered against him, while 
all round about poured forth the bitterness of their venom in cruel 
speeches, savouring of death itself. Notwithstanding, the herald went 
from thence with Kett to another part, where he proclaimed the same 
thing to the rest of the people, who by reason of the press had not 
previously been able to hear him. 

It happened before he had made an end of his speech, that a boy 
being guilty of great rudeness, one of the soldiers, who had crossed 
the river to see what was taking place, was so excited as, regardless 
of the consequences, to shoot at and kill him : whereupon " came 
riding through the wood a xij or more horsmen, exclaiming that the 
Harrold cam not but for a traine to have them all destroyid, saying, 
' Our men are kylled by the water side.' " 3 

Then " they severed them 3 like mad men ;" but Kett, joining 

1 "Wood's Translation. 

2 We have here an indirect, and at the same time interesting, proof of the spirit 
prevailing amongst the Norfolk rebels, and that they certainly had not risen in favour 
of " the old religion." Nevylle's words are : " Tunicam autem illam pictam, auroque 
distinctam et illustrem, neutiquam esse fecialia insignia, sed quiddam ex Papisticis consu- 
tum ornamentis." Sotherton in like manner says : " Hee was not sent by y e kinge nor 
was his Harrold, but made by the Gentlemen putting on him a piece of an old Cope for 
his Cote armour, with other despightfull words ;" a statement clearly showing that the 
people were angry with the herald, and that " old Copes," so far from finding favour with 
them, were rather objects of ridicule. Blomefield, following Holinshed, seems inclined 
to take a different view, and to consider this mention of church vestments a proof that the 
havoc made amongst church ornaments was what had excited the anger of the people. 

3 Nicholas Sotherton. 



the herald, rode " without staye to a place called Sturt hyll, where, 
half way downe, Kett, willing 1 to have gon with " him " to the Lord 
Lieuetenant," was met, when they had conie nearly to the bottom of 
the hill, by a mighty rout of rebels, crying out, "Whither away, 
whither away, Mr. Kett ? if you goe we will goe with you, and with 
you will live and dye." 2 It was a trying moment, the turning-point 
in Kett's career : he had been excepted from the general pardon, 3 it is 
true, yet the herald held out such fair promises, he was inclined to go 
to the Earl ; their grievances might yet be redressed, and he might, 
with safety to himself, lay down the authority he had assumed for 
what he believed to be the general good ; and, while he might be 
hoping this, there was, on the other hand, the numerous and well- 
disciplined army that had come against him, the stern determination 
on the part of the King's Council to crush him, and the doubt 
probably arising in his mind as to his followers being able, in the end, 
to prevail : we can easily imagine all these conflicting thoughts 
to have flashed through his mind, as silently he rode between the 
rebel ranks ; and we cannot but wish that he had, under the influ- 
ence of these thoughts, seen Warwick face to face, and, having thrown 
himself on the King's mercy, secured a general pardon for all, together 
with some redress of their many grievances, for the obtaining of 
which, he and his followers had taken up arms. The herald, uncon- 
scious of the conflict going on in his companion's breast, and anxious 
about his own safety, which seemed in jeopardy, a great number of 
the rebels tumult uously rushing after him, " willed Kett to goe backe 
againe, and stay this concourse and tumult : who, being returned 
to his company, they were presently quiet, and went backe all of them 
againe into the Canape." 4 

When the Earl of Warwick perceived that they, neither by en- 
treaty nor fair promises, nor yet by the fear of punishment, could be 
won from their enterprise, it seemed best to lay aside all hope of 

1 Prom the"Inquis. post mortem" in the Appendix, [it will be seen that Kett, 
singularly enough, held property at Wymondham, under the Earl of Warwick. 

2 Nicholas Sotherton. 8 See Note ('), p. 128. 4 Wood's Translation. 


peace, and to deal with them in open war. Accordingly, 1 he led his 
army to Saint Stephen's Gates, which the rebels, having let down the 
portcullis, had closed, and commanded the King's master gunner to 
plant the ordnance near, that, it being battered down, a way might be 
made for the soldiers whereby to enter the City. When they were 
about to do this, he was informed by Augustine Steward, the Mayor's 
Deputy, that there was a postern not far off, called Brazen doors, 
which, though it had been made fast with great beams and pieces of 
timber, and rampired up with stones and earth, could, without much 
labour, easily be broken open. The pioneers were accordingly com- 
manded to commence at this point, where, having succeeded, the 
soldiers first forced their way into the City, and killing many, drove 
the rebels from that place. In the mean time, the master gunner 
" dischargid and brake y e halfe gate and percullis " 2 at Saint Stephen's 
Gates, 3 where the Marquis of Northampton and Captain Drury, a man 

1 Saturday, August 24fch. 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 

3 The City Chamberlain's Aceompts (p. 306) contain the following account of the 
repairs subsequently done at these gates : 

" Other mynute expenses and payments hade and payd betwyxt myhelmas and 
our lady day the anuncyacion after the end of thys Accompt of and for the 
causes of the forsayd Comocion. 

" Seynt Stephyns In primis p d for drynke for a dozen ^ 

Gats. men y' holpe oon halff gate at Seynt I 

Stephyns of [i.e. off] the hooks, and carte y l | 

caryed y' J 

" Itm to hubbard caryeng the same gate to the Crown ~) 

yarde to be newe made and from thense ageyn whan f ij - 
yt was don J 

p. 3065. " Itm to paschall for takyng of [i. e. off] the-^ 
nayles and By vetts of the same half gate and clyck I 
w l the hengylls andjemews [i. e. hinges and jimmers] \ iij iiij 
and for brekkyng of dyvse toles [i. e. tools] abought I 
the same J 

" Itm to John fellbrygge Carpenter newe makyn the ) 

same gate w' certen tymbyr y' he fownde therto as f xxv 

it appere by his bylle ) 

8 2 


of excellent valour, with their troops, hastily entered, " skorid 1 the 
streets and killed divers Eebellis." 

Also, on another side of the City, the Mayor's Deputy caused 
the gates called Westwick or St. Benedict's gates to be opened, 
through which Warwick, with all his host, were let in, scarcely any 
resisting, and came into the market-place, " where divers Eebellis 
were fownd and hangid that night :" 

p. 304. " Itm for a pece of tymbyr and makyng of a ") _ 

payer of gallows at the Crosse 3 

p. 304J. " Itm p d for the Charges of beryeng [i. e. bury- ~\ 

ing] of xlix men that war hangyd at the Crosse in V iij ix 
the market, for makyng pytts and carryeng to them 3 ) 

" Itm for mendyng of a leddyr y' was broken at the | _ -j- ,, 

Crosse w' hangyng of men 4 5 

This proceeding is commended by Ncvylle, though it ill accorded 
with that willingness to pardon but shortly before professed by War- 
wick : " without hearing the cause, all of them were presently (as the 

1 I. e. " scoured." 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 3 "Wood's Translation. 

3 It has been supposed these " pytts" were without Magdalen Gate, human remains 
having been found there. 4 City Chamberlain's Accompts. 

" Itm to Eaphe Marsham for a pece of dry square tym- ~) 

byr wherof the long edge pece and the nether stay r iij iiij 
war made ' 

" Itm to Thomas Codde Mayer for sawed planke dry jCx 7 _ 
fote at vj s viij d a C ) 

" Itm to John Elye for mendyng y e crosse hengyll ~) 

benethe the Clycke [i. e. the small door in the large \ xij 
one] ) 

" Itm to hym for lenthyng y e mydyll hengyll puttyng 7 _ 
therto xiij lb of newe yron ,. . j 

" Itm to hym for oou newe jemewe for the Clycke iiij 9 , "^ 

and to paschall for makyng of a newe joynte to the f iiij viij 
oy r jemewe viij d J 

" Itm to hym for mendyng the locke of the Clycke gat "I 

and a newe keye for y e same J " " ^ 


''*"<" ^f 




manner of warres is) manifestly convict of their wickednesse, and 
received their last punishment." 

As Warwick was in the market-place, there came to him " the 
wholle Cytezins with their Servants, that had long bin hid, and cryde 
for pardon, to whome the Lord Lieuetenant answrid they shuld have 
pardon and commandid every man home to his house and to keepe 
the same," and to take care " that noe Rebells were therein sustained, 
which made a greate nombre of glad hartis, that dyd as they were 
bydden. This done about three of the Clock afternoone cam in all 
the carts with carriage 2 and munition att the seide Westwick Gate." 
And now occurred an incident which might lead one to think "Warwick 
a careless commander, or his drivers very heedless ; but which a 
knowledge of the localities is quite sufficient to account for. On their 
entering the City and reaching Charing Cross, instead of turning to 
the right, and so proceeding to the market-place, they went straight 
on, down Tombland, across St. Martin's Palace Plain, and ultimately 

1 Wood's Translation. 

2 At this time " carriage" meant " things carried ; " but now " that which carries " 
us. A similar use of this word occurs at Acts xxi. 15. 

3 Nicholas Sotlierton. 

" Ittn to John Eonhale for lxxvj lb of newe Nayles and \ _ 
Eyrettsatiij" 1 " > 

" Itm to hym for sharpyng of old nayles xij 

" Itm for iij dayes worke of hym and his man clyukyng "I _ - 
the gate hengylls and jemews , I " 

p. 307. " Itm to "VVyllm Pede for a newe plate locke... ij iiij 

" Itm to the seyd pede for a barre of yron y* closse bothe - 
halffe gats instede of a tymbyr barre w* certen dyce 
hede nayles and ryvetts, as well for settyng on of 
the same barre, as for pecyng the oth r halffe gate all 
together Jy . viij lb [i. e. 4 score and 8 lb.] at iij d 
thelb - 

" Itm to hym for other yron worke for speryng ['. e. secur- "} 

ing, making safe] of the same gat as barres, capps, r iij vj 
stapylls, hoks, chenys, hespys and oy r thyngsxiiij lb ... J 




out at Bishop's Gates, to their own no small amazement, and to the 
evident delight of the rebels, who, " greatly rejoycing (for before they 
were utterly unprovided of such things) carryed into the Campe carts 
loaden with gunnes, gunpowder, and all kinde of instruments of 
warre :" l Captain Drury, however, came upon them with his band, 
and recovered part from the enemy, yet not without some loss. 

p. 313. " Itm p d to John Porter surgeon for helyng of ^ 

certen of Capt. Drurys men, which war hurt at i _ .j. -j. 

Bishops gate the same night that my lord of Warwyk f 
enterd the Cyte -J 

" Itm to Capteyn Drurys Surgeon vj viij 

" Itm to vj of Capteyn Drurys men 2 vj " 

He lost also some of the shot, a loss which the citizens speedily 
helped to remedy : 

p. 304. " Impms p d for lede ij c iiji rs xj 11 ' dd [i. e. delivered] ->, 
the fyrst nyght to the Master of the Ordinance to | 
make Gonshotte for so moche as the shot of dyvers *> xiiij iij 
peces war takyn by the rebells the fyrst nyght at 
Va C J 

" Itm to ij men y* sought for fremasons and joyners to ~) _ 

make moulds.. . ) " " J 

Wood's Translation. 2 City Chamberlain's Accompts. 

Itm to hym for a hangyng locke \_i. e. a padlock] w' a _ 

_. . 
keye for y<= forsayd barre y' closse in both gats ...... 

" Itm to hym for settyng on of all y e forsayd yron worke ) _ 

and clynkyng the same ................................... j " " " 

p. 309. Town Walls. 

" Itm to a Mason stoppyng in certen holls \i. e. holes] ^ 
in the walls betwyxt St. Stephyns and St. Gylys's [ 
Gates, which ware broken open at my lord of f " " IJ " ~ 
Warwicks comyng, to hym and hys man ............ J 

" Itm The Bryck was of comon store lyeng in the brasen^ 
To\v r and Ston was gathered up in the Town Dycks 
and about the walls but p d to ij poore men y \- iiij ' 
gatherd up stonys and caryed them to the places I 
wher they was spent [_i. e. used] ........................ ) 


" Item for freeston wherof was made mowlds and shote > 

xij d for wood and Astyll [. e. round billets of wood] I -. _ , , 

to melt ther lede xij d and to Stephyn Screvens for f 
bowse romyth [. e. house room] xij d 1 J 

The rebels, seeing the soldiers enter the City, began " to assem- 
ble in companies in many lanes, where they thought by little and little 
they might cutt off theyr enemies. For this purpose assemblid a 
greate Company in a brawde 2 place next Christ Church," or the 
Cathedral, " callyd Tomblonde, and soe devyded themselves in iij 
companies." Some of them stood in Saint Andrew's ; others near 
Saint Michael's, Coslany ; and others near Saint Simon's, and Saint 
Peter's Hungate, " by the Elme and about the Hyll next the Corner " 
of the building, " late the black fryars," 3 now Saint Andrew's Hall, 
all " in battell array." There, setting suddenly upon some of our men, 
they slew three or four gentlemen before help could come. This being- 
made known in the market-place, Warwick immediately went thither 
with all his forces, and, having passed through Saint John's Madder- 
market Street, came to Saint Andrew's, where the rebels unexpectedly, 
with their bowmen, discharged " a mighty force of arrowes, 4 as flakes 
of snow in a tempest." 5 While they were yet shooting, Captain 
Drury came suddenly a second time, with his band of arquebusiers, 
young men of excellent courage and skill, " who payed them home 
againe with such a terrible volly of shot (as if it had been a storm of 
hayle) and put them all to flight, as in a moment, trembling." 3 
There were slain at this skirmish about three hundred and thirty ; 6 
in addition to whom many, being found creeping in the neighbouring 
churchyards and under the walls, were taken and put to death. The 
rest, " through the waye and Christ Church were soe pursuid, that 
they fled " to their Camp, and " soe within one half hower were all 
driven out." 3 

1 City Chamberlain's Accompts. 2 I. e. " broad." * Nicholas Sotherton. 

4 Four pages in Nev. de Furor. Norfolc. (131 134 inclusive) gave such offence 
to the Welsh, that they are usually omitted. The copy used by Blomefield did not con- 
tain these pages. 6 "Wood's Translation. 

6 N. Sotherton says the number was "a C or there abowt." It is not, however, clear, 
whether he means those slain in the engagement, or those killed immediately after. 


Warwick, the better to guard the City, caused the walls to be 
manned ; troops to be placed in every street, and all the City gates, 
with the exception of one or two, to be blocked up : while the autho- 
rities had the Cross in the market-place lighted up each night, until 
the rebellion was suppressed : 

" Itm for xvj lb candyll brent 1 abought the Crosse in the ") _ .. j. 
market the iiij fyrste nyghts 2 5 

The soldiers having carried out great store of ordnance, ready, to be 
conveyed the next day to Household, Kett's company, supposing them 
greatly distressed for powder, and other necessaries ; perceiving also that 
there were only a few Welshmen standing by the carriages and carts, 
who evidently were not expecting any assault ; and greatly despising 
them (both because of their small company, and as being unable to 
resist if attacked by a large force rushing down the hill), they thought 
a good opportunity was offered of doing some notable exploit. 

Accordingly, while Warwick's soldiers were hindered with other 
matters, one Myles, a man very skilful in discharging ordnance, 
watching his opportiinity, shot the King's master gunner : when they 
saw he had fallen, some of them unarmed, others armed with staves, 
bills, and pitchforks, running down the hill, made an assault upon the 
above-mentioned Welshmen, who at the first encounter (so great was 
their terror, and so unlooked-for the attack), astonished and terrified 
by their disordered cries, and the horrible noise they made, leaving 
the baggage and carts, ran away on all sides, with much noise and 
great speed. 3 When these had been thus put to flight, the rebels took 
and carried away to the Camp the ordnance they found there, and 
the carts laden with all things necessary for the war, before help could 
come. This success proved very hurtful to Warwick's men, since 
afterwards they wanted those things they had lost, while Kett's 
gunners discharged often the ordnance they had taken, and battered 
the City grievously. 

It is interesting, after recording the above display of valour, to 
notice here how mistaken was the view taken of these insurgents by 

1 7. e. " burnt." 2 City Chamb. Acc ts p. 304. 3 This was the offensive passage. 


Somerset, as appears from the following letter to Sir Philip Hoby, 
written 24 Aug., 1549 : l 

* * " Th erle of Warwicke lieth nere to the Eebells in Nor- 
ffolke, which faint now and wold have grace gladly, so that all might 
be pardoned, Ket and the other Archtraitours in the number. Upon 
that is a staie. And thei dalie shrinke so fast awaie, that there is 
great hope thei will leave their Capitaynes destitute and alone to 
receive their worthy reward. The which is the thing we most desire, 
to spare as much as may be th' effusion of bloud, and that namely of 
our owne nation." * * * " The Ruffians emonge them and soldiers, 
which be the movers and chiefe doers, loke for spoyle. So that it 
seemethe no other thing but a plage 2 and a furie amonge the vilest 
and worst sorte of men : for excepte onlie Devon and Cornewall, and 
there not past ij or iij, in all other places not ennie gentilman 3 or man 
of reputacion was ever amonge them, but against their wills and as 
prisoners. In Norfolke gentilmen and all farming men for their sakes 
are as well handeled as may be : but this broyle is now well aswaged 
and in manner at a point shortly to be fully ended with the grace of 

The rebels from that time till they were dispersed, used the ord- 
nance they had got possession of, to such purpose, that numbers were 
slain, especially at Bishop's Gate, where they did " shoote downe a 
Tower, which slew many that there garded." 4 Though, however, the 
shot were flying in all directions, either by chance or of set purpose, 
or, most probably, from the rashness and ignorance of the gunners, 
who levelled somewhat too high, the shot mounted over the tops of 
the houses, without doing so much harm as might have been expected : 
had it not been for this, the greater part of the City would have been 
beaten down, and, it may be, utterly destroyed. And the general 
opinion was, that the loss at that time would have been worse, had 
not Capt. Drury succeeded in recovering a considerable portion of 
what had been driven away. 

Warwick " wardid the breach more strongly," at Bishop's Gate, 

1 Harl. MSS. No. 523, p. 52. 2 1. e. " plague." 3 See App. (S). 4 N. Sotherton. 



"and kept y e Rebellis owte all that nyghte," 1 Saturday, Aug. 24th, 
and " appoynted the Lord Willowby with others to ward that streete 
and gate ;" 2 " and so compassed and fortifyed all places, as the same 
night hee cut off from the enemy all entrance into the Citie." 3 

Sotherton, having stated that the rehels were kept out all night, 
subsequently says that they entered (or, more correctly, crossed the 
river at Conisford, or into King Street) the City the same night, and 
thus contradicts both Nevylle and himself. The two accounts may be 
reconciled by assuming this incursion to have commenced in the 
night, and the fires to have begun early in the morning, and to have 
continued raging throughout Sunday : Sotherton says that Warwick, 
having, as already mentioned, taken every precaution to secure 
Bishop's Gate, and then partaken at Mr. Steward's of " a Cawdell 
drinking for a quarter of an hower, returned agen to apoynt the 
watch till x of the clocke," and that " about this tyme the Eebellis 
attryed' 1 to enter about Conforth 5 and certeyne coming over the 
water did set dyvers howses in South Confort on fire, where was 
burnid a whole parish or too on both sides the waye 7 with much 
corne and marchantryes and stuffe," stored up at the Common Staith, 
"and would have gon further had they not bin expulsid, for they 
rnent to burne the whole Cittye. Notwithstanding, the fire was suffrid 
to burne to the end, for that it was suspected that their firing thereof 
was only to bring y e Company to quench it whylst they, the Rebellis, 
might attempt the like in another place or ells enter to doe further 
mischeefe." 8 

A fearful and trying day must this Sunday have been : a great 
fire raging in King Street ; numbers of the insurgents committing 
what havoc they pleased, in this part of the City ; while in the neigh- 
bourhood of Bishop Bridge immense numbers were watching for an 

1 /. e. out of the city at this particular part, but not out of the rest of it, as will be 
seen immediately. 

2 Nicholas Sotherton. 3 Wood's Translation. 4 I. e. " tried." 

5 Conisford Street, which gave the name to Conisford Great Ward, is now called 
King Street. 6 j e tw0i 

' I. e. " street," now King Street. 8 Nicholas Sotherton. 


opportunity to force an entrance. But no account of the day's fight- 
ing has come down to us, though Sotherton's word " expulsid," and 
the fact that the fire was restricted to the neighbourhood of the 
Common Staith, lead to the conclusion that the insurgents were con- 
fined to this quarter, and in the end compelled to withdraw. Some 
attempt, to judge by the following from the City Chamberlain's 
Accompts {see also Appendix (I), City Chamb. Ace. p. 3056}, was 
made to check this fire : 

p. 304. " Item to ij men y' caryed the Cyte crome l to ") _ ,, 

the comon Stathe whan y l was on ffyer ) 

When these things befel the citizens, so " great astonishment 
and sorrow strooke many men's mindes," that " languishing through 
despaire and feare, they almost faynted, now devoide of all counsell." 1 
They came to Warwick, and as the City was so large, and all the 
gates 3 either broken open or burnt down ; while the number of his 
men was but few, and the power of the enemy great, and not to be 
resisted, therefore, they humbly besought him, " to consult his own 
safety, to leave the City, and not suffer the matter to be brought to 
utter extremity :" or, to use Sotherton's words, " The best [of the 
citizens] advised [him] to depart til furder puissance," a statement 
that shows plainly how mistaken Somerset was in thinking, or at least 
asserting, as we have just found him doing, that they were " dalie 
shrinking fast awaie." Warwick being a man of great and invincible 
courage, valiant, and mighty in arms, and one that thought scorn of 
the least infamy, replied, " What, are ye so soone dismaid ? and is so 
great a mist on the sudden come over your mindes, which hath taken 
away the edge of your courage, that you would either desire this thing, 
or think it can come to passe while I am alive, that I should forsake 
the City ? I will first suffer fire, sword, finally, all extremity, before 
I will bring such a stayne of infamy and shame, either upon my selfe 
or you :" 2 or, more briefly, he " valiantly answerid by God's grace not 

1 A large ponderous crome or hook on a long stout shaft, used for pulling down a 
house when on fire, to prevent the flames spreading to other buildings. 

2 Wood's Translation. 3 See City Chamberlain's Accompts, Appendix (I). 

T 2 


to depart the Cittye, but would deliver it or leave his life." ] "With 
these words he drew his sword, as did also the rest of the nobles, who 
were all there gathered together, and " commanded after a warlike 
manner (and as is usually done in greatest danger), that they should 
kiss one another's sword, making the signe of the holy crosse, and by 
an oath, and solemne promise by word of mouth, every man to binde 
liimselfe to other, not to depart from the City before they had utterly 
banished the enemie, or else fighting manfully had bestowed their 
lives cheerfully for the King's Majestic." 1 

While these things were taking place, " where least was thought 
began dyvers Rebellists to enter the Cittie in the furdest 3 parte whoe 
wer cum as far as the bridges," l where they were speedily encountered 
by our men, and with many killed and wounded, were driven back again. 

Hereupon Warwick, the better to hinder the rebels altogether 
from entering the City, commanded the bridge " callyd the Whyt 
Fryars bridge " to be "broken cleneup, and soe " would the rest have 
been " had not bin reasonable cawse shewid." : Certain citizens 
dwelling near it, subsequently rebuilt this bridge at their sole expense, 
with the exception of the following : 

" Itrn the Chargis for rnakyng ageyn the whyte >, 
ffryers brydge was payd by certan Inhabytants | 
dwellyng nere ther, but p d to Wyllm Spratte for all } vj viij 
ehargis of plankys nayles and workeinanshyppe of I 
plancheryng 4 of the same brydge 5 J < 

" Itm for makyng of the Whyte ffryars Brydge 6 xl " 

"After this, because many souldiours had not bin lodgid nor 
howsid a good space, was every man's howse appoyntid to receive a 
company, the better to make them harty ;" and before they went " to 
theyr beds," they " had victuals furnished, which encouragid them 
much : then did every man take furth 7 his stuffe and other things 
before hydden in placis, to defend fier, 8 to minister [to] the nedis 9 of 
theis men. And now, for that the Lord Lieuetenant had taken up 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 Wood's Translation. 3 I. e. " furthest." 

4 I. e. "laying with planks." b City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 309. 

6 Id. p. 3126. ? I. e. " bring forth." 

8 I. e. " to ward off fire," or defend them from fire. 9 I. e. " needs " or " wants." 


Mr. Awsten Stewards howse and sett his arms on the gate, did other 
Lords and Squires and Gentlemen the like, and for the tyme tooke 
each mans howse as there owne till theyr departure, when for joy of 
the Victory every man set up the ragged staffe uppon theyr gates and 
doores in the Lord Lieuetenants honour, which soe continued many 
years after : and soe savely l continued that daye." 2 

" And all places else " were carefully guarded, " and especially 
the gates (because for the most part they were all either broken 
downe, or else fired)," which " were delivered in charge to men of 
courage, and experienced in warlike affairs, to bee defended upon 
every sudden occasion, whereby it came to pass, that all the desperate 
and night incursions of the enemie were voide and of none effect," 
and the City continued safe till Monday, the xxvjth of August, when 
" the Lord Lieuetenant being at dinner, cam about x or xj hundred 
Lance Knights, which after they had discharged their peeces to shew 
theyr cominge, were allsoe lodgid in divers howsis, with many of their 
wives that came with them;" 3 the troops and citizens showed their 
joy, the former by firing many volleys, and the latter by liberally and 
courteously entertaining them ; whose arrival, as it revived the hearts 
of the soldiers, and stirred them up to a sure hope of accomplishing 
the matter in hand ; so it cast down the hearts of the rebels, who 
were now confounded and terrified with new fears, and looked upon 
their future overthrow as probable, if not certain. 

In the mean time, the insurgents, influenced by what had 
occurred on Northampton's coming, thought their best chance of 
success lay in assailing Warwick's army as speedily as possible, before 
their own forces became diminished by desertions. " And surely, as 
they forsooke the good and mighty God ; so againe, being despised 
and rejected of him, they gave over themselves bond-slaves to the 
devill ; who, bewitching their mindes with an old wife's superstition, 
brought it to passe, that being intangled with the blind illusions of 
soothsayers, they chose a certayne vally, not farre off, as appointed to 
this warre by destinie ; although surely (as is recorded) there wanted 

1 I. e. " safely." 2 Nicholas Sotherton, 3 "Wood's Translation. 


not strange and evident tokens of God's heavy displeasure against 
them : for a snake leaping out of a rotten tree, did spring directly 
into the bosome of Kett's wife ; which thing stroke not so much the 
hearts of many with an horrible feare, as it filled Kett himselfe with 
doubtfull cares." l 

If, however, there were omens to terrify, there were also prophe- 
cies to encourage them ; in this time of perplexity, when they were 
anxiously " devizing what were best to doe for victory," they fell back 
on these " fayned prophecies which were phantastically devisid," 3 but 
still exercising wondrous influence over that vast multitude. The 
language in which they were couched might be obscure, as in the one 
recorded at p. 6 ; or the words might be homely and the promise con- 
tained in them be as ambiguous as those uttered by older and more 
famous soothsayers ; still there was a charm, and mystery, a mighty 
power in them ; and often had the rebels caused them " to bee openly 
proclaimid in the markit and other placis/ as matters of greate 
tryall," 3 or as proofs that their enterprise must prosper ; as the foun- 
dation on which they were building, and on which they would have 
others rest, their hope of ultimate success. With these they en- 
couraged one another, " often speaking of them, for false prophets 
almost every houre instilled such fopperies 1 into their eares;" 1 with 
these their souls were roused to the highest fury, and elated with the 
most extravagant joy and gladness ; for these held out to them, as 
they fondly believed, the assurance of victory for themselves, and 
utter destruction to their opponents. The following were those which 
had, especially, this power : 

" The country gnoffes, 5 Hob, Dick, and Hick, 
"With clubbea and clouted shoon 6 
Shall fill the vale 
Of Dussinsdale 
With slaughter'd bodies soon." 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 Nicholas Sotherton. 

3 For this use of the word " tryall," see p. 44, where the Lady Mary says she 
" trusts her household should try," or prove, " themselves true subjects to the King's 
majesty." 4 " Ineptias." Nevylle. 

8 I. e. " churls," " fools." H. PMWps's World of Words. 6 See p. 5. 

9W% * 

' *.R*,l A 

u * 

3> :*.>** 


While another was 

" The heedless men within the dale 
Shall there be slain both great and small." l 

" Such was their preposterous stupidity, in applying these equi- 
vocating prophecies to their delusion, that, believing Dussin's dale 
must make a large and soft pillow for death to rest on, and vainly 
apprehending themselves the upholsterers to make, who proved only 
the stuffing to fill the same ;" l they, heing fed with this vain belief, 
determined to forsake the hill they had hitherto occupied, so advan- 
tageously for themselves, and so greatly to the injury of others, and 
where, too, the Earl's horsemen would not have been able to act 
against them. There was this additional circumstance which had 
also no little weight with them : Warwick " had so stopped up the 
passages that no victuals could come to their Camp, and the want 
thereof began already to pinch them." l " Therefore all their dennes 
and lurking places every where, which they had made on moushold 
of tymber and other provision, were now set on fire, and the smoke 
rising from so many places, distant one from another, seemed to bring 
night almost upon the whole skeyes, 2 and covered the plaines with 
thick darknesse." The Camp, on Monday, August 26th, was broken 
up, 4 and with " twenty ancients and enseignes of warre " they 
marched to Dussin's dale, 6 the battle-field they had accepted at the 
mouth of their prophets ; and all that day and night were they 
occupied in removing "their ordinance and munition and all other 

1 Blomefield's Norfolk. 2 /. e. " skies." 

3 "Wood's Translation. " Cum vexillis ac signis militaribus viginti perrexerunt." 

4 " Th" erle of Warwic * * entred into the towne of Norwich, wich having wone 
it was so weke that he cold scarcely defend it, and oftentimes the rebels came into the 
stretis killing divers of his mene, and ware repulsed again, ye [_i. e. yea] and the townes- 
men were gieven to mischief themselfis. So having endured ther assaultis three dayes 
and stoped there vitailes, the rebels were constrained for lake [*. e. lack] of meat to 
remove." Edward VliKs Journal. 

5 It is conjectured by the Eev. A. P. Stanley, in his interesting paper " On the part 
taken by Norfolk and Suffolk in the Reformation" (Archseol. Inst. 1847), that this is the 
valley commonly called Ossian's Vale. 


things clene from that place they were in before, and devysed trenches 
and stakes wherein they and theyrs were intrenched, and set up 
greate bulwarks of defence before and abowte, placid their ordinance 
all about them," l dug a ditch across the highway, and " cut off all 
passage, pitching their javelins and stakes in the ground before 
them : " z and "that the Gentylmen, the pryseners, 3 shuld not escape, 
they toke them owte of theyr prysons in Surry place, and carried 
them to the seid Dussens dale with them, which was not past a mile 
of* and somewhat more." l 

When Warwick had "intelligence" of this "by y e watch in 
Christ Church steeple," l he also determined to try the fortune of war, 
that he might, if possible, subdue by force those whom by lenity and 
patience he could not persuade to accept his offers of pardon. There- 
fore the day following, Tuesday, August 27th, "with 1000 almains 
and al his horsemen, leaving th'english footmen in the towne," 5 he 
inarched against them through Coslany, or St. Martin's at Oak Gate, 
accompanied by the Marquis of Northampton, Lords Willoughby, 
Grey of Powis, Bray, Ambrose Dudley, Warwick's son, and " besides 
of noble and valiant men a choise company." 

Before they arrived in sight of the enemy, W T arwick sent Sir 
Edmund Knyvet, Sir Thomas Palmer, and two others with them, to 
inquire " whether they would leave off their furies, and forsake their 
wickednesse, crueltie, and purpose of making warre against their 
countrie now at the last ; for so great and incredible was the goodnesse 
and clemency of the King's Majestie, that although with an impietie 
(never to be forgotten) they had abused his Majestie and dignitie, and 
stained themselves with everlasting notes of villanie, yet he had 
commanded once again to bee offered unto them peace and pardon 
(notwithstanding all that they had committed), yea, to every of them 
(one or two excepted) so as they would turne to dutie now at the last 
(being ledde with repentance) from this course of malice and wicked- 
nesso ; but if they purposed peevishly and ungodly to persist in their 
rnadnesse, and to trie the end, now let them know, there was come at 

1 Nicholas Sotherton. 2 Wood's Translation. 3 I. e. " prisoners." 

4 I. e. off." 5 Edward Sixth's Journal. 


the last the just punishment of their foolish lightnesse and disloyaltie ; 
and Warwicke himselfe, although late, yet the sure revenger of so 
horrible a conspiracie." l 

Hereunto they all stoutly made one answer " That they would 
not." l 

Warwick, having received this reply, briefly exhorted his 
soldiers, who are described as having been very eager for the fray, 
" That they should valiantly invade the enemie, and cast no doubts, 
but repute and take the company of rebels which they saw, not for 
men, but bruit beasts, indued with all crueltie. Neither let them 
suppose, that they were come out to fight, but to take punishment, 
and should speedily require it at the hands of these most ungratious 
robbers ; that they should lay even with the ground, afflict, punish, 
and utterly root out the baine of their country, the overthrow of 
Christian religion and dutie. Finally, most cruell beasts, and striving 
against the King's Majestic, with an irrecoverable madnesse." 1 

When he had thus spoken, because the enemy were near at hand, 
he gave the signal for battle ; but they, perceiving the troops coming 
against them, so disposed their company, as to place in the front rank 
all the gentlemen, whom they had carried with them, after the 
manner of condemned persons, chained together and bound with 
fetters. This they did in order that they might be slain by Warwick's 
men ; but through the courage of the soldiers, it turned out otherwise 
than they had anticipated, so that they almost all escaped safe ; for 
Myles, Kett's master gunner, and one very skilful in that art, having 
with an iron bullet struck the King's standard-bearer through the 
thigh, and the horse he rode on through the shoulder, so that both 
died with the same shot ; the soldiers, being much grieved, and at the 
same time excited by this loss, discharged their pieces with such a terri- 
ble volley of shot, that it brake their ranks, and threw them into such 
confusion as enabled the gentlemen, who were in the front of the 
battle, to fly and escape the storm that was raging around them. 
When the horsemen perceived the rebels thus scattered and put to 

1 Wood's Translation. 


flight " with the often shot of the gunners and harquebusiers," they, 
suddenly and " with all their troops, charged ; whereupon, instead 
of abiding the incounter, they like sheep confusedly ran away head- 
long, as quickly as they could. But through the noise and cry of our 
men following, even now in the last obstinacy of treason, when their 
fierce and boyling mindes had taken up, I wot not what secret flames 
of hatred and griefe (as wilde beasts) being turned from their despera- 
tion, and remembrance of their villanies, into rage and madnesse ; 
(returning speedily from their flight) they with deadly obstinacy 
withstood our men a little while ; such, however, was the force of the 
shot, and the eagerness of our men to rush upon them (for like 
unbridled horses, being greedy of the victory, they broke into the host 
of the enemy), that Kett's army being beaten downe, and overthrowne 
on every side (with the hot assault) were almost with no labour driven 
from their standing." l 

It was a trying time for Kett : the good discipline of the troops 
that had come against him ; the large number of the Earl's forces ; 
and the conviction that must have forced itself upon his mind, that 
his own disorderly followers could not hope to prevail, or that if they 
did, other and still better troops would undoubtedly be found by the 
King and his Council : all these, as he looked around, as the battle 
raged yet more and more fiercely, as the shouts of the victorious 
troops burst upon his ear, and his followers were fleeing on every side, 
led him, being " joynd with v or vj Rebellis," to flee himself: and 
bitter are the words of Nevylle as he describes this want of courage 
on the part of Kett : " As he had been a bold leader in wicked- 
ness, so he showed himself a cowardly commander on the battle field : 
for when he saw every thing going against him ; the ranks broken ; 
his men driven asunder; whilst our forces were fiercely bearing 
down upon them ; that there was no hope either of safety or 
aid ; being perplexed in mind, and agitated by the consciousness 
of his exceeding villany ; betaking himself to flight, he secretly 
fled from the battle field." As soon as this became known, the 

1 "Wood's Translation. 


spirit of the rebels was broken ; they "fainted and waxed colde." 1 
At first they murmured and secretly complained ; then they cried 
out ; and at last they began to run away on every side. Our 
horsemen followed swiftly, and made a great slaughter, for there 
were slain about three thousand and five hundred, and a great 
many wounded. 2 The rebels perceiving this, and believing all 
hope of pardon to be utterly taken away, waxing bold, they urged 
on one another, in that hour of despair, to die boldly, as die 
they must. With obstinate courage they presently recovered them- 
selves by companies from their flight, and showed plainly they 
intended to renew the battle, affirming " That they had rather die 
manfully in fight, than flying, to be slain like sheep." 1 "After, 
when they had furnished themselves with swords and other weapons, 
which lay scattered upon the ground, every where among the heapes 
of the dead bodies ; had pitched in the ground before them speares, 
javelins, and sharpe stakes ; and so arranged their carts and carriages 
as to form a secure and excellent barricade ; they swore, either to 
other, to spend in that place their lives manfully, or else at the length 
to get the victory. Therefore, when they had drunke either to other 
(for that was in signe of good lucke, and of their mindes vowed to 
death), with prayers and vowes, made after a solemne manner, they 
fortified themselves to the battell. Warwick, understanding this, 
sent a Herald, willing them to lay downe their weapons, which 
if they would yet do, they should escape unpunished : if otherwise, 
they should all of them, even to the last man, perish. They answered 
againe s ' That they would willingly lay down their weapons, if they 
were perswaded that that promise of impunity would prove 
for their safety ; but they had had already experience of their 
cruelty upon their companions, which was to them an undoubted 
signe, as they firmly believed, that this mention of pardon, deceitfully 
offered by the nobles, was made only in order that they, being by 
a false and vain hope of mercy (as by snares) circumvented and over- 

1 "Wood's Translation. 

2 "Warwick "overcam them in plaine battaile, killing 2000 of them." Edward 
Vl.tVs Journal. 

u 2 


come, should all at the last be led to torture and death. And that 
in truth, whatsoever might be pretended, they knew well and perceived 
this pardon to bee nothing else but a cask full of ropes and halters, 
and therefore die they would.' " l 

This answer being returned, Warwick is reported to have been 
grieved at the thought of so many perishing, and, under the influence 
of compassion towards them, he sent again to inquire, whether, if he 
came himself and gave his promise before their faces, they would, then 
lay down their weapons. They all answered, " If that were done, 
they would beleeve, and resign themselves to the will and authority 
of the King." x 

Whereupon, without delay, Warwick went to them, and com- 
manded the herald openly to read the King's commission ; which being 
read (because therein pardon was most solemnly promised to all), 
trusting to it, they laid down their weapons every man, and all of 
them, as with one mouth, thankfully cried, " God save King Edward ! 
God save King Edward ! " And thus many men (as it were taken 
out of the jaws of death) were saved by the wisdom and compassion 
of Warwick. 1 

The battle 2 having ended at " about 4 of y c clocke," 8 all the 
prey the same day was given to the soldiers, and openly sold in 
Norwich market by them, and they " made good peniworths thereof 
in y e Cittye." 3 The following items relate to this battle : 


1 Item p d for ij barrelle bere dranke at the Crosse in the 
market amongst the Soldyers as they came home out 
of the feld aftr that y l was woune 

1 Item p d for fechyng of an yrou gon to the Guyldhalle 7 _ 

which y e accountant fownde J " 1J " 

' in the Early w' out Seynt Awstens gats y c next day -^ 
aft r the feld, which in the uyght aft r he causyd to be I 
conveyd into a berne tyll aft r Myhelmas, and for [ ~ " ~~ " X1J 
howse rome and paynes y n p d4 J 

1 Taken chiefly from Wood's Translation. 

2 For Somerset's account of this battle see Appendix (T). 

3 Nicholas Sotherton. < City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 304. 


In this battle many gentlemen and some of the chief inhabitants 
of the City were slain, although they had given money and large 
presents to the soldiers to spare their lives : the following names have 
been preserved : 

S. Peter's Mancroft. 

" 1549. Robert Knyvet Gent. Son and heir of Charles Knyvet, 
slayne at Kett's Campe. 

John Woods, Gent. Will. Haydon, Gent. Rice Griffin Esq. 
George Wagat of Northamptonshire. Rob. Madat of Hertfordshire, 
Sir Tho. Woodhouse, Priest. Morgain Corbet, Gent, all slain in 
Ket's Insurrection and buried here." l 

St. Martin's at Palace. 

" Anno DM 1549. This yere was the Comocon in Norf k . 

Mr. George Hastings sepultus 26 Augusti. 

Quidam genosus 2 eodem die sepultus. 

Thre of Capten druries gonners were buried the same daye. 

Six men were buried the same daye in Mr. Spencer's gardens." 

St. Simon and St. Jude. Register of Burials. 

" Henry Wylby, of Middilton Hall in the County of Warwick, 

Gyles ITfoster, of Temple Balsall, in the same county, Esq. 

Thomas Lynsye * of Charlcote in the same county, Esq. 

Hu, son of 5 besyde Northampton Esq. 

These 4 esquiers were slayne in the Kings army on Mushould 
heath, the Tewesday being the xxvij tu day of August 1549 An" tertio 
Edwardi Sexti, and weare all Buryed in the Chancell of this Church 
in one Grave." 

1 Blomefield's Hist, of Norwich. The register of these is no longer extant. 

2 This may be Henry Willoughby, Esq., of "Willoughby, in Nottinghamshire, who is 
spoken of very highly by Holinshed. 

3 I am indebted to the Bev. Alex. Braddell, Incumbent, for this interesting extract. 

4 Probably " Lucy of Charlcot." 

5 I would venture to suggest " George Wagat," who is mentioned above by Blome- 
field as coming from Northamptonshire. 


We have seen that Kett fled from the field of battle : on reaching 


Swannington, about eight miles from Norwich, " his horse was " so 
" tirid," that " hee " was " forcid to take " refuge in " a barne, where 
was a Cart with Corne unlading :" from hence he " was browt to the 
howse of one Mr. Riches of that towne," and " though hee was left 
with a childe in the howse vij or viij years old," he " had not the 
spirit to depart whyles Mrs. Riches was fetched from church, whome 
though shee ratid for his demeanor, yeat did hee pray hir of coritenta- 
tion, 1 and to have meate : y e next morning about iiij of y c Clocke hee 
was browte to the Lord Lieuetenants lodging, with such as were sent 
for him." Such is one description ; another is : " Presently there 
were sent twenty horsemen for him, who finding him there in his 
wretchedness, lying lamenting and howling, pale for fear, doubting 
and despairing of life, arrested, and brought him bound to Norwich :" 3 
an account that may be fairly considered as setting forth Nevy lie's 
hostility to Kett, rather than the actual condition of the fallen leader 
of the " pore comons." 

The same day, August 28th, " began judgment in the Castle, and 
an inquiry was made of those that had conspired, and many were 
hanged and suffered grievous death. Afterward nine, which were the 
ringleaders and principalls, were hanged on the oke called ' The Oke 
of Reformation ;' and many companions with them in these villanies 
were hanged, and then presently cut downe, and falling upon the 
earth (these are the judgments of traytors in our countrey), first 
* * * * then their bowels pulled out alive, and cast into the fire, 
then their head is cut off, and their bodies quartered : the head set 
upon a pole and fixed on the tops of the towers of the City, the rest 
of the body bestowed upon severall places, and set up to the terror of 
other. But these wilde and rude heads, after this sort being taken 
away, many of the gentlenien, carry ed away with displeasure and 
desire of revenge, laboured to stirre up the minde of Warwicke to 
cruelty. Who not contented with the punishment of a few, would 
have rooted out utterly the off-spring and wicked race of them, and 

1 I, e. " prayed her to be content," or quiet. 

2 Nicholas Sotherton. 3 Nevylle. 


were so earnest and eager in it, as they constrayned "Warwick to use 
this speech unto them openly : 

" f There must be measure kept, and above all things in punish- 
ment men must not exceed. He knew their wickedness to be such as 
deserved to be grievously punished, and with the severest judgment 
that might bee. But how farre would they goe ? would they ever 
shew themselves discontented, and never pleased ? Would they leave 
no place for humble petition ? none for pardon and mercie ? Would 
they be plowmen themselves, and harrow their owne landes ? ' 

These speeches restrained the desire of revenge, and led many, 
that before were fiercely vindictive, afterwards to act kindly and 
courteously towards the common people. The same night the bodies 
of the slain were buried, 2 lest some infection or sickness might be 
produced by them. 

The day after, Aug. 29th, the Earl of Warwick, with all his 
nobles, and a great company, not only men, but women, of all degrees 
and ages, went to Saint Peter's Mancroft Church, and there offered 
up their prayers and praises to Almighty God for the success they had 
met with ; " which being ended, 3 he departed the Citie with all his 
armie;" 1 not however immediately; for, by referring to the City 
Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 304, 4 it will be found that " my lord 
of Warwike " remained in the City fourteen days, and, as the follow- 
ing letter shows, during the latter part of this time, was fully 
occupied in inflicting punishment on the rebels : 

"BROTHER. You shall vnderstande that my lord of Warwike 
dothe 6 execucion of menny men at Norwiche. And the gentlemen 
crave at his hande the gyft of the rycheess 7 of them, and doe dayly 
bring in men by accusacyon. But I have neyther accused anny man, 
ne yet have asked the gyfte of anny, althowe I am spoyled of MM. 

1 "Wood's Translation. 1 

2 Most probably near Magdalen Gates, where many human remains have been found> 
as Q-oddard Johnson, Esq., informs me. 

3 Nevylle. * Appends (I). 

5 State Paper Office Domestic, Edw. VI. vol. viii. No. 65. 

6 I.e. "doeth." l I.e. "riches." 


shepe and all my bulloks and horses w* the moost parte of all my 
corne in the contrye. All the ordennaunces and spoyle that was taken 
in the campe is the Kynges. I movid my lord for my ij pecys of 
brasse but I cannot have them at his handes yet he is verie gentle to 
me. Eaffe Symondes made a greate complaynte of Turcoke to my 
lord, and yet he was in the campe but ij dayes in the begynnyng, and 
then went to Newcastle and came not home agen tyll the battail was 
done. Notwithstandinge the sheryfe seased all his goodes, and yf I 
had not made ernest sute to my lord, he had lost his goodes and ben 
in daunger of deathe. I pray you wright l vnto me if you thinke 
it mete that I cum uppe. Ther is a Commyssion com downe of 
Oyer determynate ; we have menny prysoners at Yarmouthe. Ther 
is in the Commyssion my lord Willoughby, my lord Went worth e, 
S r Edmond Wyndham, S r John Clere, w* other gentlemen, and yet I am 
left owte. Yet ther be in my chardge at Yarmouthe ^ or *j 2 pry- 
soners, and they shall syt vppon the deliverie of them. You may tell 
my lord great Mr. s that I thinke it not mete that others which were 
not in seruice at the takyng of them shuld have the ordre of deliverie, 
and I lefte owte. I am sewer that Danyell declared to you the trothe 
of all thinges in takyng of the prysoners, for if Gilliste had not ben 
there w* thoys * men that came from London, ther had but few pry- 
soners ben taken. And because I was so venturous to go owte when 
others kepte w'in the gates, the Ruffyns 5 of the towne writ a Ire 6 to 
S r Thomas Clere that if he kept my company he shuld be in daunger 
of his lyffe, ffor they were determynid to kyll me w' halffe hakes, 7 and 
the baliffe more. This was on the Munday 8 when they thought 
my lord of Warwike had ben over throwne. I pray you speake w* 
M r Cecill, that when enny Commyssion or Ires 9 be sent downe for 

1 I. e. " write." 2 I. e. " seven or eight score." 

3 The " Lord Steward of the Household " was at this time called, and had been so 
since the 32nd year of Henry VIII., " Great Master of the Household." The nobleman 
then holding this office was "William, Lord St. John, of Basing, Earl of "Wiltshire, and 
subsequently Marquis of Winchester. 

4 I. e. " those." 5 I. e. " ruffians." /. e. " letter." 7 " Hand-guns." 

8 See p. 139. This was most probably just before the arrival of the lance knights. 

9 I.e. "letters." 


ordre of thinges here, that I be not forgotten, for then I shall lose my 
credite in the Contrye. I did speake w l Mastres Anne Wotton, she is 
well and lytell herry l is w' me at my howse. Thus fare ye well ffroni 
Waxham the iii e of Septembre. 

" Your loving brother, 


Endorsed " To my loving brother S r Willm "Wodhous 
Knight at Sir Anthony Auchers besides the Tower 
hill in London hast hast ! " 

In another letter, 2 written also to his brother by " Sir Thomas 
Wodhouse," who had now gone from Waxham to Norwich, we find 
him very anxious "to have out a commycyon 3 for the Admaralty ;" 
that he, since he had been appointed " Vysadmyrall * of Norffolk and 
Soffolk," might " medell with the goodes of them that be ataynted," 
and discharge his other duties without let or hindrance; "for," he 
continues, "the shereves and other men have meddolld 3 within 
my offyce for that I have not hade my warrant for the same. I pray 
you lett thys be gytt out and sent down with delygents. 7 Ther be 
ij gonnars 8 in Lastoffe, * * * one of" whom "was araynte 9 
traytor : they lost all ther ordinance to the traytors, 10 and we 
wane yt agyne 11 at Yarmowth. Thus I bed you ffar well, ffrome 
Norwyche thys v daye of September 1549." 

While those in authority were thus occupied, the citizens, being 
filled with gladness at " theis traiterous mutinies and rebellion having 
now an ende," 2 scarcely knew how to praise Warwick sufficiently : 
they " extolled him with commendations to the Heavens ; they spake 
all manner good of him ; and, with clapping of hands, joy and 
thankfulnesse, renowned with most excellent speeches the fame 
of so worthy a captaine, and the memorie of so great courage ; 
and attributed to his wisdome and good successe the preservation 

1 I. e. " Harry." 2 State Paper Office Domestic, Edw. VI. vol. viii. No. 55, II. 
3 I. e. " commission." 4 See note, p. 47. 5 I. e. " meddled," or " interfered." 
6 I. e. " got" : " let this be got out." 7 I. e. " diligence." 8 /. e. " gunners." 
9 /. e. "arrant," an arrant traitor. l See p. 110. n I. e. "we won it again." 
12 Somerset to Sir P. Hoby, Appendix (T). 



of their lives, their wives and children, finally all their goods and 
possessions." l 

One way in which they showed their gratitude was by " settyng up 
the ragged staffe " at the City Gates, as appears from the following :~ 

" Itra to Gabryell the peynter for newe refreshyng of a 
tabyll of the Kyngs arrays and newe peyntyng and 
guyldyng ano r tabyll w' the Kyngs arrays y' before 
hade S*. Georges arrays, and for settyng up the 
ragged staffe 3 in sylver paper at all the Gats of the 

" Itm for settyng up the sayd ij tabylls at Westwike and 7 _ 

Seynt Stephyns Gats 5 

which gave, however, great offence to certain of the citizens, who 
thought it " not mete to have any more kyngs than one." Another 
way in which they gave expression to their thankfulness was by 
decreeing " (for the eternall note and ignominie of those times) that 
upon the same day wherein the enemies were discomfited and put to 
flight, all men should repaire to their churches and make prayers unto 
Almightie God, with the ministers of the congregations, every yeere, 
by a solemne custome established." * The following enactment was 
made subsequently by the City : 

" Be it remembred, that by the poure of Allmightie God, and 
of our sovereign Lord the King's Majestic that now is Kyng Edward 
the Syxte. In sending down the noble Earlc of Warwike his Graces 
Lyeutenant w l other nobill, and men of worshipp, w* his majesties 
power unto this worshipfull Citie, and by the goodness of God uppon 
the xxvij daye of August in the Yere of our Lord God a thousand fy ve 
hundreth fourty and nyne The seide Earle with the Kings Ma ties 
power uppon Mushold-Hethe vanequyshed Robert Kette, and his 
hool nombre of Adherents of their most wikked Rebellion, and did 

1 Wood's Translation. 2 City Chamberlain's Accompts, p. 306. 

3 An inn in Fisher's Lane, St. Giles', Norwich, has the sign of the Bear and Eagged 
Staff, of which badge or cognisance a very interesting representation exists in the Beau- 
champ Tower, Tower of London, cut in stone by Warwick himself, or by one of his sons. 

4 Wood's Translation. 


suppresse them, and Delivered this Citie from the greate Daunger, 
trouble and perill it was in like to have heen lost for ever. Wherefore 
and in consideration of that greate Victorye by the goode advyce of 
the lord Thomas 1 nowe Bisshopp of Norwich, w' the assent of the 
Mayor shereves and comen Counsaill in this present Assembley ; It 
is ordeyned, enacted, and thought good, that from hensfurth for ever, 
uppon the xxvij day of August yerely for the benefyte that was 
obteyned for our delyverance that same daye, The Mayor for the tyme 
beinge shall comande his officers the daye before to charge all the 
constables of every "Warde that they shall gyve warning to every 
inhabitant w'in ther wardes to spere 3 and shutte in their Shoppes, 
and that both man, woman, and child, Repayre to their Parisshe 
churche after they have Eong in, at the houres of Seven of the Clokke 
in the morninge, and there to Eemayn in supplicacon and prayers to 
God, hering the devyne service of the Churche that shalbe there song 
or sayed, and to gyve humble thanks to God, and praye for the preser- 
vacon of the Kings Majestie hartely, ffor the deliverance of this Citie 
from the great perill and daunger it was in ; And to have the same daye 
allwayes in our Remembrances for ever, and the servyce once doone, 
that every parisshe Eing a Solempne peall w' all there Bells, to the 
laude and prayse of God, and the great rejoysing of the peopull for 
ever, and so to departe every man to his occupacion or other busines. 

" God save the King, 
"xxvj die Mensis Septembre A E E Ed vj Quarto." 

This being " received for a law, they decreed moreover that 
a sermon should be made at the common place,* to which all the 
citizens should resort; which ordinance, from such beginning hath 
continued untill this day." 5 The following extracts show that this 
custom continued for a long time ; that, more than a hundred years 

1 Thomas Thirlby, Bishop of Norwich from 1550 to 1554. 
3 I. e. " secure." E Lib. Civ. ; or, from " The City Book." 

* Nevylle's words are, " Concionem in publico fieri," "that a sermon be preached 
in public." * I. e. till l575.Nevylle. 

x 2 


after these commotions had ceased, the worthy citizens still adhered 
to what their ancestors had enacted : 

" 1655. Mr. Whitefoot preached. 

" 1658. Mr. Snowden, 

" 1660. Mr. Geo. Cock. 

" 1667. Ordered the sword-bearer to acquaint Mr. Cock, minister of St. Peter's 
of Mancroft, that Tuesday next is the day of election of Sheriffs, and also the anuiversary 
for a thanksgiving for the deliverance of this city from Ket's Rebellion, and that (if he 
pleases) there may be mention of it in his sermon or other wise. 

" 21 Aug. Ordered that the ward officers do give notice to the Sheriffs and 
Aldermen, and also to the Livery of this city, that they do wait upon the Sword at the 
New Hall, on Friday next, in the morn' to perform what their ancestors enacted by com- 
mon council, in repairing to the Cathedral, to give God thanks for the deliverance of this 
city from Ket's rebellion, and Mr. Tho Bradford to preach there." ' 

But to return to Kett : he and " iij of his britherne 2 w* sundry 
other chief Captaines," were taken to London, and there confined in 
the Tower, " to receive y' which thei have deserved." 

In the Privy Council Register are the following entries relative 
to Kett's apprehension: 

" viii. Sep. "Warrant to for L u to Thomas Awdley reward for 

bringing Ket. 4 

" iii Feb. 1550. Also xx s . to Walpole by him delyvered to him that apprehended 
Keett the Eebell." 5 

In the Appendix will be found various extracts from the same 
Register, relating more especially to the payment of " th'almaynes 
fotemen serving in Norff. ;" "for ordynaunce in my L. of Warwickes 
journey;" "to Sir Thomas Gressham for his wages in Norff.;" "to 
the Kinges attorney " and "to the Kinges Sollicitor ;" "to the Lord 

1 E Lib. Cur. ; or, from " The Mayor's Book." 

2 I. e. " brethren : " only Eobert and William Kett were, however, tried for high 

3 Somerset to Sir P. Hoby. See Appendix (T). 

4 Privy Council Eegister, Edw. VI. vol. i. p. 582. 5 Id. vol. ii. p. 73. 

6 Appendix (E,). By referring to these it will be seen (vol. ii. p. 46) that the pay 
of a captain of light horse was " iiij 8 per diem ; his peticapt" ij 8 ; Trompeter, xij d ; and 
Ii ght horsmen ix d ." 


Willoughby ;" and to others employed " against the Rebelles in 
Norff." The following letter shows that there was some remissness in 
paying the demands of one, viz. Captain Drury, whose services had 
been of the greatest importance in suppressing the Rebellion : 


" This shalbe to desyer you to be an Intercessour to my lordes 
grace that this berer, Thomas Drury, Capitayne of ** l fotemen serving 
the Kyngcs Ma tie against the Rebelles in Norff oik for the space of too 2 
monethes, that ys to saye from the fyrst daye the marques of North- 
ampton tooke his iourney into Norffolk vntyll this present, except 
three score w ch were kylled at the battel and other skyrmyshes there, 
for the which nomber of three score he dothe demande nothinge syns 3 
the xxvii th of August hytherto. requyring you to helppe that this 
said berer may have brefe depeche,* and that his bande be spedyly 
employed or caysed. 5 Thus mooste hertely fare ye well. 
" At Ely Place this xiiii th of Septembre, 1549. 

" Your assured frend 


Endorsed " To my veray loving ffrend 
S r W m Cecille this be delivered w th 
spede at the Courte." a 

Warwick's request was not, however, complied with immediately; 
and more than a month elapsed before the following warrant was 
issued : 

" xxi Octr. "Warrant to Henry Saxey and Ffrances Foxall mercers, for dely very 
of cclxxij 1 ' v 8 to Sir Thomas Chaloner to be by him payd over to Capt n 
Drury." 7 

But while the various lords, knights, and gentlemen, were busily 
occupied in receiving the pay they required for their troops ; or the 
remuneration to which their own services had entitled them ; the 
Leader, whom thousands had obeyed, the Advocate, who had asserted 

1 I. e. " nine score." 2 I. e. " two months." 3 I. e. " since." 

4 7. e. " despatch." * 7. e. " casse," " discharged," or " broken." 

6 State Paper Office Domestic, Edward VI. vol. viii. No. 59. 

7 Privy Council Eegister, Edward VI. vol. ii. p. 20. 


the rights of the " pore comons," the Standard-bearer, round whom 
so vast a multitude had gathered, ready to follow him even to death, 
Kett was at this time lying in the Tower, awaiting his trial, a form, 
a mere form, as he must have felt it to be, through which he would 
have to pass, before suffering the extreme penalty of the law. 

The following documents, relating to the trial of the Ketts, are 
still in existence : 

I. The Special Commission of Oyer and Terminer, 1 addressed to 
Richard Lyster, Knight ; Edward Mountagu, Knight ; Roger Chol- 
meley, Knight ; Edmund Mervyn, Knight ; William Portman, Knight; 
or any four of them : for the trial, according to the Statute of Trea- 
sons (25 Edw. III. st. 5, c. 2), of all high treasons, &c., committed 
by Robert and William Kette, alias Knight, as well in the counties of 
Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, &c., as in the county of Middlesex : who, 
having been examined before Edward North, Knight ; John Baker, 
Knight; and Richard Southwell, Knight; three of the King's 
Council, are vehemently suspected of high treason, as appears by 
the certificate of the said three Privy Councillors returned into 

II. The Justices' Precept to the Sheriff for the return of the 
Grand Jury at Westminster, on the Tuesday next after the Quinzaine 
of St. Martin ; 3 with 

III. The Panel 3 annexed. 

IV. The Justices' Precept 4 to the Constable of the Tower, Sir 
John Gage, commanding him to bring up the bodies of Robert and 
William Kette at Westminster, on the above-mentioned Tuesday : 
this is signed by Sir Richard Lyster. 

V. The Indictment found against Robert Kete, 5 or Kette, 
otherwise Robert Knight, late of Wyndham, Norfolk, tanner. 

1 See Appendix (TJ) . 

2 November llth. As this, in 1549, fell on Monday, the day fixed for the trial was 
November 26th. 3 g ee Appendix (V). 

4 See Appendix (W). See Appendix (X). 

ft : ! ''' 
:' *>: 'ft 

-. i-.'-' 


VI. The Indictment found against William Kete, 1 or Kette, 
otherwise William Knight, late of Wyndham, Norfolk, mercer. 3 

Also, the Record of this Session, which contains the Special 
Commission, the Justices' Precept to the Sheriffs, the Indictments 
against each of the Ketts, their plea of Guilty, and the sentence passed 
upon them. 

From the first of the above documents we learn the names of the 
judges ; from the second, third, and fourth, the names of the jury, 
the day of trial, and where the Ketts were confined, viz., in the 
Tower ; the fifth enters very fully into the charge against Robert 
Kett, and states that for six weeks after the 20th of July he had, on 
" Mushold hethe " and in divers other places in Norfolk, with more 
than twenty thousand followers, gathered together, " by means of 
traitorous proclamations, hue and cry, and the ringing of bells," made 
an insurrection, and levied war against the King ; that he had caused 
bills to be written as well to incite his Majesty's lieges to make war 
against the King, as also to spoil and rob them ; that he and his 
associates had imprisoned for a long time, in Mount Surrey, many 
knights and gentlemen of Norfolk, " shouting out these words in 
English, Kyll the Gentlemen ;" that they had not only plundered 
very many of their goods and cattle, but also, in open war, had killed 
very many faithful subjects of the King, at " Dussingdale in the 
Parishes of Thorpe and Sprowston ; " that he had fled from the field of 
battle to Cawston ; 3 and that he had been there taken and arrested by 
the King's lieges. 

While the sixth in like manner states that William Kett, " not 
having God before his eyes," endeavouring to get up a rebellion, had 
on the 16th of August and two following days, at Mount Surrey, in 
conjunction with Robert Kett and others, made an insurrection, with 
" banners unfurled, swords, shields, clubs, cannon, halberts, lances, 

1 See Appendix (Y). 

2 It is possible William Kett may have been both a butcher and a mercer : just as 
Pulke, who killed Lord Sheffield, is stated by Holinshed to have been both a carpenter 
and butcher. 

3 Or rather " Swannington." 


bows, arrows, breast-plates, coats of mail, and other arms, offensive 
and defensive ;" and " further, that William Kett, on the 20th of 
August, gave to the same Robert Kett and the other said traitors 
comfort, help and counsel in their traitorous and wicked purposes." 
This mention of a date makes it difficult to determine the especial 
occasion on which he had acted thus. Had it been July 31st or 
August 1st, the following from Holinshed would have been a sufficient 
explanation : he says : " It was generally thought William Kett 
would have been certain of pardon," (to which, or at least some 
slighter punishment than death, he was fairly entitled, he having 
done but little in these commotions), " if he had not played the part 
of traitorous hypocrite : for, upon his submission at first to the 
Marquis of Northampton, 1 he was sent back to his brother, to 
persuade him and the rest to yield : though he promised to do 
so, yet, upon his coming into the Camp, and seeing the great 
multitude about him, he did not only dissuade him from it, but 
told him the Marquis had but few soldiers with him, and was not 
able to resist such a force as his : so that, had it not been for him, 
his brother and all the rest would have accepted the King's pardon, 
and thus saved all the ensuing mischief and bloodshed." Holinshed 
might have added, supposing this submission to have been made 
on Northampton's first expedition against the rebels, that it would 
also have saved the Marquis the disgrace in which his defeat had 
involved him. 

Such were the charges against them : on being brought to the 
bar by the Constable of the Tower, and being arraigned, they pleaded 
GUILTY, and the usual sentence for high treason was passed 
upon them. 2 

One notice, and that a very brief one, of these unfortunate men, 
shows clearly that William was evidently more favourably regarded 
than Robert Kett, and warrants the belief that he would have 

" The Earl of Northampton," Holinshed ; but shortly afterwards " the Marquis." 
t is not clear when William Kett acted thus : if at Northampton's first coming to 
Norwich, it must have been July 31st ; whereas, from the indictment it seems to have 
been on the 20th of August. 2 See Appendix (Z). 


escaped capital punishment, had not " the good Duke " been himself 
in trouble, and a prisoner in the Tower, at this very time : 

" Robt. Kett of Wyndham Norff. Tanner. 

" Wyllyam Kett his brother who goithe at Large in the Tower." 

This is taken from a List of Prisoners confined in the Tower, 1 
Oct. 22nd, 1549 ; and has " Justice " in a different hand added by the 
side of each name ; implying that they were subsequently executed. 

On November 29th, 2 Robert and William Kett were delivered 
out of the Tower of London to Sir Edmund Windham, High Sheriff 
of Norfolk and Suffolk : they reached Norwich December 1st, 3 and 
the former was confined in the Guildhall till Saturday, December 7th,* 
when he was " drawn" to the Castle, " and then and there over the 
walls of the same Castle, in obedience to the King's command, was 
hanged in chains." 3 Ncvylle's account is : " Robert Kett (at the 
Castle in Norwich) had chaincs put upon him, and with a rope about 
his necke, was drawne alive from the ground up to the gibbet placed 
upon the top of the Castle, and there hanged for a continuall memorie 
of so great villanie, untill that unhappy and heavy body (through 
putrifaction consuming) shall fall downe at length." 5 

" Keits brother was taken also and perished alike," being hanged 
at Wymondham on the top of the church tower, or as Stow calls it, 
" Windham Steeple." 

Such was the end of the two brothers ; such the issue of their 
bold attempt to obtain some redress of the many grievances they and 
others long had felt, and which, becoming at length too grievous to be 

1 State Paper Office Domestic, Edward VI. vol. ix. 48. 

2 Stow's Chronicles, p. 235. 3 "Inquisitio post mortem." See Appendix (AA). 

4 Edward VI. in his Journal says that " Keit their captain in January folowing was 
hanged at Norwich ; " but as the Inquisition, held at the Shirehouse, Norwich, January 
13th, 15J, states it to have been December 7th, Appendix (AA), the king is clearly 
wrong. He says further, that " his head was hanged out," an expression that may mean 
the sentence was fully executed, and " his head and body having been divided into five 
parts, that these were set up in various public places." There is, however, no reason 
for believing the full punishment for high treason was inflicted, but only that he was 
hanged in chains in the way described by Nevylle. 

5 Wood's Translation. 


borne, had roused them to take up arms for their removal. Short 
and easy was the method of those days with all such innovators : the 
hollow form of a trial ; the pleading guilty ; the accused commit- 
ting himself to the King's mercy ; the imprisonment ; the fatal list 
with " Justice," as if in bitter mockery of the hallowed word, inscribed 
against each name ; the hurried journey ; the few days' rest and con- 
finement in the Guildhall ; the procession with Kett in the midst 
" drawn" to the Castle ; the rope and gibbet; the raising of his body, 
whilom King of Norfolk and Suffolk, 1 up those lofty walls, there to 
hang in chains " hanged uppe for wynter store ;" 3 short, indeed, 
and easy in those days was the method adopted with those who 
complained of grievances, and sought some remedy for them. Even 
in that time of harsh severity, it was not, however, so effectual as the 
rulers expected it to prove : while the fate of these men was as yet 
undecided, we meet with the following indications of hatred of the 
gentry, and of sympathy with Kett and with the Lord Protector, 
who was evidently regarded as the people's friend : 

" 21. Sept. 3 Edw. VI. Robert Burnam, parish Clerk of St. Gregories said, There aro 
too many Gentlemen in England by fyve hundred. 

" 30. Sept. Will. Mutton, painter, justified his having pulled down the Penthouses 
of the shops in Norwich saying, That there was much dysceyte 3 to buyers from them. 

" The said Barnam [or Burnam] being imprisoned, said to Mr. Mayor and the 
Aldermen, Te Skrybes and Pharasies, ye seke innocent bloode : but if I can not havo 
justice here I shall have it of better men, and I ask no favor at your hands : for which, 
at the following assizes, he was adjudged to the pillory, and to have his ears nailed thereto 
as a fautor 4 of rebels." 

" Edm. Johnson, labourer, being at the late Chapel in the Fields talking with Mr. 
Chancellor's servants, it chanced that one Bosewell should say, That Eobert Kette 
should be hanged ; and the said Johnson said, That it shulde cost a thousande men's 
lives firste. 

" 24 Nov. Maryone 5 Lelly, of the Parish of St. Botolph within this City, widow 
of the Age of liij yeres, sworne and examined, saithe, That one John Eooke came to her 
House, and one Margaret Sokeling the wief of Nicholas Sokeling w* him, upon Monday 
was a sennith last past, at the which time amonges other wordes in communycation 

1 See p. 114. 2 The Book of the Mayoralty, 1549, fol. 33. 

3 I.e. "deceit," an imputation upon the honesty of the Norwich tradesmen. 

4 /. e. " favourer," "aider," or " abettor." 5 Probably " Maryann." 


betwixte them, the seide John Rooke ded speke thies words followeng, that is to say. 
Except the mercye of God before Christinas ye shall se ' as great a Campe uppon 
Mushold as ever was. And if it be not then it shall be in the spring of the yere, and they 
shall come out of tho lorde Protectors Countreithe 2 to strenkith 3 him. 

" The sayeng of one Claxton agreable to the Bill of accusation by Thomas Wolman 
and Henry Musdred subscribed with their hands. Ffirst he sayd, That he did well in 
keping in Ketts Campe and so he wold saye ; and then I did aske him, What he ded 
think by Kett ; and he sayed, Nothing but well that he knewe ; and after that he sayed, 
He trusted to se l a new day for suche men as I was. 

" Witness HENRY 

And when the brothers had perished, the old independent spirit 
of the county still survived ; Warwick had excited against himself a 
hatred that would hide its time, and keenly watch for an opportunity 
of obtaining revenge. He was too powerful to be assailed himself, but 
there was his badge, " the Ragged Staff," and this we find soon made 
an object of attack : 

" 12 Feb. 4 Edw. VI. George Redman, servant with Mr. Bakon, deposed, That Jojin 
Redhed on Sonday at nyght beyng the ixth. of Febr. 1549 (i.e. 1550 new style) said, He 
wold that Master Bakon and others, having on their gates the ragged staff, schuld take 
them down, for ther were that are offendyd therwyth, to the nombre of twentie persons 
and more : and he said, That the aforesaid ragged staff shuld be plucked down : and that 
afore it were Lammes daye 6 next comyng, that Ket shuld be plucked downe from the 
toppe of the castle ; saying also, That it was not mete to have any more kyngs than one." 4 

While the fate of the Ketts the fearful spectacle alluded to in 
the following extract excited a strong feeling of pity towards them, 
instead of suppressing the people's discontent, it only led them to 
long the more deeply, and so the more dangerously for the governing 
powers, for better days and a happier lot, for those social privileges 
which they felt were their right, but which they had hitherto failed in 
obtaining : 

" John Redhed of St. Martin's parish, worsted weaver, saith, That upon a market 
day not a month passed, whether it was Wednesday or Saterday, he certenly knoweth 

1 I. e. " see." 2 I. e. " country." 

3 7. e. " to strengthen." * The Book of the Mayoralty, 1549. 

5 It had been on the previous " Lammes daye," August 1st, that they had gained 
the battle on St. Martin's Palace Plain. 

T 2 


not, being in the market uppon his busynes, he sawe ij or iij persones, men of the con- 
trithe 1 standing together, and he harde th'one of them speke to th'other, loking uppon 
Norwich castell towardes Kette, thes wordes, viz. Oh ! Kette, God have mercye upon thy 
sowle, and I trust in God, that the Kyng's majestye, and his Counsail shall be informed 
ones betvvixte this and Mydsomer even, that of their own gentylnes thowe shal be taken 
downe, by the grace of God, and buryed, and not hanged uppe for wynter store, and sette 
a quyetness in the realme, and the ragged staffe shal be taken down also of their owne gen- 
tylnes from the'gentylmens gates in this cittie, and to have no more King's arms but one 
within this cittie under Christ but King Edward the syse, God save his grace : which 
persones he saith, he never knew them nor cannot name them. 

" 26. Felr. One said, That 500 of Musholdmen were gon to the gret Turk 2 and the 
Doffyn, and will be her agen by Midsomer." 3 

The Ketts having been executed, the next step taken was to hold 
aii " Inquisitio post mortem " * at the Shirehouse, Norwich, Jan. 
13th, before Henry Mynne, Escheator; when it was shown that 
Robert Kett, Nov. 26th, having pleaded guilty to the charge of high 
treason, and having been subsequently hanged in chains, was, at his 
death, seised of the manor of Wymondham, with certain messuages, 
&c. lately belonging to the Hospital of Burton Lazars, of which he had 
obtained the grant from the Earl of Warwick on the 27th. of March, 
in the 37th. year of Henry VIII. ; also of the manors of Melior's 
Hall, and Lethers or Letars, but then called Gunvile's Manor ; that 
the moiety of these manors, &c., had been mortgaged to Ilichard 
Colyor for .200 ; also that he was seised of two tenements, called 
Chyllinges and Tyes, in the township of " Cakewik," or " Cake- 
wik Fild near the Marlepitts ;" that Gunvile's Manor was worth 
.13 6s. Sd. per ann. ; that the manor of Wymondham was worth 
.4 per ann. ; and that the other messuages were worth 20*. per ann. 
This account of Robert Kett's property differs, however, in some 
respects, from that given in the Patent Roll, 5 which records the grant 
of his property to Thomas Audeley, who has been already mentioned 
as having conveyed Kett to London : 6 in this he is said to have been 
possessed of the manors of Melior's Hall ; Lethers or Leters Hall, 

/. e, " country." 2 Solyman II., suruamed the Magnificent. 

The Book of the Mayoralty. " See Appendix (A A). 

See Appendix (BB). 6 See p. 156. 



now called Gunvile Manor ; and all Gunviles Manor ; also of Che- 
lynges and Tyes, in the village called " Cakewyke ;" also of a piece of 
arable land in " Cakewyke felde near the Marlepittes," containing one 
acre : and that the clear annual value of -his manors, messuages, &c., 
amounted to forty marks. 

The History would scarcely be complete without the following 
extract, which shows that the Rebellions in Norfolk, Devon, and 
Cornwall cost the State no less than .28,122. Is. Tel. : 

" The Rebelliones in 

li s (T, 

Cotes and con- 1 
. i 

6446 12 2 

dut .. 


The Subvertione 
of sundrie notn- 
beres of Eebelles 

Diettes and] 
Wages J 

18827 19 6 


specially within 
the said counties 
and in diveres 

Empciones of] 
necessaries... J 

47 11 8 

li s d 



other places of 
third yeare of our 
Soveraigne Lorde 
Kinge Edwarde 
the VI. that now 

Diveres and\ 
sundry neces- 
sary charges 
and expences 
as breaking 
doune of 

2800 4 3 

28122 7 7" 1 


Bridges, Car- 

riages, and 

Rewardes ...' 


" And in this way the City and all the county of Norfolk, 
when this deadly plague of treason, to the destruction of many, 
had continued for about sixty days, and had shaken all things with 
lamentable ruin, at length enjoyed rest ; having, through the goodness 
of God, and admirable valour of Warwick (that most excellent noble- 
man), brought to an end these so fatal and woful tumults." 


A few years have passed away : the young King, who had long 

1 Harl. MSS. No.- 353, p. 102. 

2 Kevylle. 


been sinking, has breathed his last at Greenwich ; the Lady Jane is 
proclaimed Queen, amidst the ominous silence of the people ; Warwick, 
now Duke of Northumberland, is at the head of the troops, ready to 
use every means for maintaining his daughter-in-law's supposed right 
to the crown ; and the Lady Mary is at Eramlingham, asserting her 
claim to the throne, and actively exerting herself to secure such aid 
as shall enable her to advance at once upon London. The time has at 
length arrived, when the people of Norfolk may obtain satisfactipn for 
the injuries received at Warwick's hands ; may avenge the execution of 
the Lord Protector, " the good Duke ;" may play an important part in 
their country's history, and place the rightful sovereign on the throne. 
And bravely do they come forward : thousands flock around the 
standard of the Lady Mary, whose promises to defend the laws and 
liberties of her subjects are readily believed ; the fleet off the coast 
revolts ; the Council, being freed from Northumberland's presence, 
speedily declare for Mary ; the Duke in despair repairs to the market- 
place in Cambridge, proclaims her queen, and is the first to throw up 
his cap in token of the joy he felt at her obtaining that crown, of which 
he had done his utmost to deprive her ; and Mary becomes the undis- 
puted sovereign of these realms. The powerful John Dudley, all- 
powerful as he had believed himself to be, is in the hands of his 
enemies : his pretended zeal for Mary, when he found his attempt 
unsuccessful, his defence that he had acted in obedience to the 
orders of the Council, given under the Great Seal, all is of no avail : 
the system he had pursued towards others is adopted against himself ; 
the trial, the plea of Guilty, the sentence, are all quickly passed 
through ; and it was, we may be sure, with feelings of stern gratifica- 
tion, which, though we cannot approve of, we can readily excuse, as 
we bear in mind the cruel oppressions of those troublous times, the 
people of Norfolk learned that the proud and haughty Northum- 
berland, the determined enemy of the "pore commons," as they 
regarded him, had been beheaded on Tower Hill. 

Such, to pass by the destruction of Thorpe Wood, the Homily 
on Rebellion, and the appointment of Lord Lieutenants, 1 all of which 

1 Strype's Mem. Eccles. vol. ii. part I. p. 278. 


were connected with " these routs and uproars," was one of the great 
results of Kett's Rebellion, viz., the placing of the Lady Mary on 
the throne ; a result which, while imparting an additional interest, 
gives to it also much historical importance : the full consequences 
of this and similar attempts on the part of the people to obtain 
their rights did not, however, manifest themselves at once; years, 
many years, would pass away, and fiercely would the storm of 
civil commotion rage throughout the land, before the iniquities of 
the feudal system would be abolished ; or the Bill of Eights secure 
to the subject that liberty which, while it is too often a name, and 
unhappily nothing more, in the mouths of other people, is by us 
regarded, not as a privilege that kings may give or withhold at their 
pleasure, but rather as our inalienable birthright. 



Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 1st Series, No. 247. 

" WE desyre and also charge and commande you [and every one 
of you] apon payn of deith, and for the luf l ye here to [owr holy] 
faith and churche militaunte, and the maintenaunce therof, the 
preservation of the Kynges person, and his isshew " and the common 
welth, and to the intente to expulse and subdue all vylan blode 
from the kynges grace, and his privy councell for the common welth 
and restorying of crist churche. And take before you the cross oi' 
crist and in your harts his faith, to suppresse all herisey and ther 
opinions. And that you nor none of you gyf aide or person aperens 
to the erle of Darbie or any other for hym. Except ye perseve [and] 
knaw hym or them to be sworne and assuryd for the common welth, 
and that ye fale 3 not alle and every one of you to be on Cliderow 
more on Munday next after Symon and Jude day in your best 
aray by ix of the cloke. And they that be xvith. yere of age not to 
fale. Now good men and ever, and now or never, for God, the kyng, 
yourself, and all youres hereafter. 

" By all the olle concent of the hyrdmen in this our pil- 
gramaige for grace to the common welth." 

Endorsed " A commandment 
to the Commons." 

1 I. e. "lore." I. e. " issue." 3 I. e. " fail." 



Complayntes at the Insurrection. 

* * * Item, we fynde that the Master and Fellows of Jesus College have let ther 
ferine hollye with all commodities together, and the fermor thereof hathe letten the lande 
to certeyne persons and severed the dwellynge howse and the shepegate from the lande, 
so that the howse and shepegate be in divers men handes, and lykewyse the closes be 
letten from the howse, and the hole is letten for x u . x s . by yere. 

Item, we fynde that a pece of noysom grounde is taken in owte of the common and 
enclosed with a muddle wall at the ende of Jesus lane, for the whyche the incorporation 
of the towne is recompensed, but not the hole inhabytauntes of the towne whiche fynde 
themselves injured. 

Item, we fynde that Andrew Lambes close is crofte lande and ought to lye open with 
the fylde at lamas as common. 1 

Item, we fynde that a close that of late was taken in bye baylyff Smythe owte of the 
common, owght to be layde open and to be common again, as heretofore it hathe beene 
accustomed, the yerely rent is xxvi 8 . viii a . 

Item, we find that Mr. Braken had of the prior and convente of Barnwell a portyon 
of grounde that before was layd open with the fylde at lamas, and was common arable 
land, upon the whiche he hathe buylded certeyne bowses and shoppes. 

Item, we fynde that Mr. Hynde unlawfully dothe bringe into Cambridge felde a 
flock of shepe to the number of vi or vii C tl1 , to the undoinge of the fermora and great 
hyndraunce of all the iuhabitauntes of Cambrydge. 

Item, we fynde the said Mr. Hynde after the corne be inned and harvest don, 
bryngeth in his catall in great nombre and eateth uppe the common to like hyndraunce. 

Item, we fynde that ther is an howse of husbandrye with xxx acres of lande therunto 
belonginge, nowe in the tenure of "Wylliam Spyrink, dekayed and not inhabited, nor hath 
not bene these ii yeres, for then it was burned, the yerely rent is iiii 1 '. 

Item, we fynde that Mr. Braken hathe dymyssed a lane called fysshores lane, and 
inclosed the samme whyche of late lay open and was common. 

Item, we fynde that Maxwell kepeth a certayne grownde against the castle as com- 
mon wbyche ought to be common. 

Item, we fynde that there is an howse dekayed and fallen down, lying betwyxt the 

1 At a Common Day on the 12th. of July this year, Maurice Newell granted that 
Bishop's Close should lie common from Lammas till Lady Day ; and Andrew Lambe 
granted that his close in Barnwell should lie common for the same period yearly. It was 
also ordered that the Common Balk leading from Trumpington-street unto the Brick 
Kiln should be laid common as customably it had been used. Corporation Common 


Greffyn and the whyte Bull, now in the tenure of Mr. Slegge, wherbye the towne in that 
streete is myche defaced. 

Item, we fynde that Trinitie College owght to pave the streete agaynst the gray 
freers, which of long tyme hath been unpaved, to the great annoyance of the common 

Item, we fynde that Trinitie college hath inclosed a common lane, which was a com- 
mon course both for cart, horse, and man, leadinge to the ryver, unto a common grene, 
and no recompense made therefore. 

Item, we fynde that Mr. Muryell hathe plowed uppe certayne bawlks and carte 
wayes in the feelde. 

Item, we fynde Mr. Bykarclyck hath plowed uppe the more parte of a bawlke behind 
the black freers of vii foote brode, betwyxt Jesus College grownde and Myhell howse 
grownde, and he hath dyched it in at both endes. 

Item, we fynde that he hath eared upp a lyke bawlk in lyk manner, lying betwixt 
the Kynges hall grownde and Myhell howse grownde. 

Item, we fyude also that the sayde Mr. Bykardyck hath taken in and inclosed a por- 
tyon of the common hyghewayes at both endes of the sayde bawlke. 

Item, we fynde there is another bawlke enclosed at both endes and plowed uppe. 
that leadeth from the forenamed bawlke, dvrectlye crossing the hyghewaye unto Barnwell 
cawsey and Jesus Grene. 

Item, we fynde that the Kynges College hath taken in and inclosed Saynt Austen's 
lane, leadinge from the high streete unto the waterside, withowte recompense. 

Item, we fynde that the Queens College have taken in a pece of common ground 
commonlye called Goslinge grene withowte recompense. 

Item, we fynde that ther is another pece lying withowt their pales and within the 
ryver that owght to be common. 

Item, we fynde that there is a pece of grownde landed at the ende of John Thomas 
garden, now in the tenure of William Garlande, taken owte of the common ryver, paying 
therfore to the corporation of the towne, xvi d . 

Item, we fynde that Mr. Fanne hath in his hands a pece of Maris grownde now 
severalled, which was common within these xvi yeres, the rent is vii d . 

Item, we fynde that Mr. Osborue hath in his hands a lyke pece of Maris grownde. 
whyche of late was common, the rent wherof is lykewyse yerely vii d . 

Item, we fynde that one pece of common is inclosed now in the handes of Mr. Mores, 
which hath been accustomed to lye common at Mydsomer. 

Item, we fynde one berne now in the tenure of William Bradlye buylded on St. 
Thomas lease, which was accustomed and owght to lye common at lamas. 

Item, we fynde that a ferme howse called cotton hall, now in the tenure of Mr. 
Fanne, is dekayed and fell downe about xx li yeres agon, not inhabyted and hath iiii 11 
acres of lande belonginge therunto, and is letton for v u . bye yere. 

Item, we fynde that beyonde Styrbrydge chappell, Dytton men have pulled down a 
brydge, stopped the water, drowned the commons, and so enter upon Cambridge common. 

z 2 


Item, we fyiide that Mistress Lacys of Barnwell hathe severed the lande and the 
shepe gate of her ferms, and that bayley Genings and John Bernes have done the lyke in 
ther fermes. 

Item, we fynde that Mr. Kymbalde hath walled and dyched upon the hyghwaye in 
Barnwell, wherbye the seyd waye is much straytened. * * 

Annals of Cambridge, ly 0. H. Cooper, Esq., F.S.A. 


State Paper Office Domestic Edioard VI. vol. viii. No. 24. 

" Gentill M 1 . Cicell, you shall understande, we have perused the 
contentes of the comyssion to us and others directed concernyng 
decay of houses of husbondry, inclosures, parkes, and divers other 
articles, aswell 1 in the comyssion as in our instruccions. And we, 
having therein alreadie travailed, do take it that we cannot by that 
comyssion redresse the same, and than ~ for lack of present execucion of 
thinges that shalbe before us presented, we are partelie in fere lest the 
peple will thinke we do but onlie delay tyme with them, and thereby 
perchaunce they may be brought in more rage than before they were. 
We therefore desire you to move my Lorde his grace and the Counsaile 
to direct their lettres unto us, auctorising us to commaunde the shreve 
to pull downe asmoche 3 of the kinges parkes and of others as shalbe 
before us presented worthie the pulling downe. And also to disclose 
and sett open commons and highe waves, which before us shalbe like- 
wise presented worthie. And also auctorising us to call bifore us 
suche persons as shalbe presented to have severed the lond from the 
house, or that have above the nombre of shepe or fermes, and to order 
the same by our discressions ; without which lettre we ar fullie 
resolved, that what soever shalbe presented worthie of redresse before 
us, yet we cannot reforme presentlie any parte thereof, but only 
to set open highe wayes, which we thinke is contrary to the meanyng 

1 I. e. " as well." 2 I. e. " then." 3 7. e as muc h." 


of our commyssion and thexpectation 1 of the peple and our promys 
before made unto them. And thus desiring the spedie furtherance 
therein we bid you most hartelie fare well, ffrom London the xth. 
of July, 1549. 

" Your Loving ifrindes 


Endorsed " To the Eight worshipfull and 
our verai Loving frind Mr. Cicell geove z 
these with spede." 


" My good friends, things cannot go on well in England, nor 
ever will until every thing shall be in common ; when there shall 
neither he vassal nor lord, and all distinctions levelled ; when the 
lords shall be no more masters than ourselves. How ill have they 
used us ! and for what reason do they thus hold us in bondage ? 
Are we not all descended from the same parents, Adam and Eve ? 
and what can they show, or what reasons give, why they should be 
more the masters than ourselves ? except, perhaps, in making vis 
labour and work, for them to spend. They are clothed in velvets 
and rich stuffs, ornamented with ermine and other furs, while we 
are forced to wear poor cloth. They have wines, spices, and fine 
bread, when we have only rye and the refuse of the straw ; and, 
if we drink, it must be water. They have handsome seats and 
manors, when we must brave the wind and rain in our labours" in 
the field ; but it is from our labour they have wherewith to support 
their pomp. We are called slaves ; and if we do not perform our 
services, we are beaten, and we have not any sovereign to whom 
we can complain, or who wishes to hear us and do us justice. 
Let. us go to the king, who is young, and remonstrate with him on 

1 /. e. " the expectation." 2 I. e. " give." 


our servitude, telling him we must have it otherwise, or that we shall 
find a remedy for it ourselves. If we wait on him in a body, all 
those who come under the appellation of slaves, or are held in 
bondage, will follow us, in the hopes of being free. When the 
king shall see us, we shall obtain a favourable answer, or we must 
then seek ourselves to amend our condition." Such was the manner 
in which John Ball, a priest in the county of Kent, was wont 
to harangue the people in the reign of Eichard II., as recorded 
in Froissart's Chronicles, bk. ii. c. 73. 


Record of the House of Gournay, by Daniel Gurney, Esq., F.S.A., 

p. 565. 


This family is of great antiquity in Norfolk ; the name was 
originally spelt Cat, 1 Chat, Kett, or Knight. In the reign of King 
John, Roger le Chat, or le Cat, was possessed of the manor of 
Repton Hall, alias Cats cum Criketoffs, in Ilevingham, in that 
county. 2 William le Cat owned it in 1275, Henry le Cat in 1285 ; 
after whom John Cat had it : he was succeeded by Henry le Cat, 
who in 1314 held it of Clare honour and Norwich see. 3 In 1316 
this Henry had a charter for free warren for this manor, and died 

1 The family of Le Chat was probably of Norman origin. We find Jean le Chat 
witnessing a deed of gift of 60 sous revenue to the convent of Ouche, in Normandy, by 
Avicia, wife of Grautier de Hengleville. Ordericus Vit. Caen edit. vol. iii. p. 31. 

Ilbert de Chaz, whose tombstone is at Laeock, was a vassal of Bohun, and came from 
Chaz or Cats, in the neighbourhood of Bohun. Hist, of Laeock Abbey, by Bowles and 
Nicholls, p. 352. 

A family of the name of Le Cat were lords of Beuvreuil, near Grournay, in the 15th 
century. M. de La Mairie, Supplement to Ms Histoire de Gournay, p. 432. 

2 Blomefield, in Hevingham. 

3 Robert le Cat had an interest in Bexwell, temp. Henry III., and Henry Cat, temp. 
Edward I. Blomefield, in Bexwell. 


the same year, leaving Margery, his widow, who had her dower 
in it. In 1319 she released her dower, and William Catt and Kath- 
arine, his wife, settled the estate on themselves for life, with re- 
mainder to Henry Catt, son of William and Katharine, Thomas, 
Henry, and Robert, their other sons. In 1345 Sir Constantine 
de Mortimer was lord of Repton Hall manor, in Hevingham, in 
right of his wife, the widow of William Cat ; and their escutcheon, 
Mortimer impaling Catt, was formerly in Attleborough Church 
windows : 

Or, fleur-de-lis sable Mortimer of Attleborough. 

Gules, three cats passaiit guardant argent Catt. * 

In 1418 Henry Cat of Hevingham was returned by the justices 
of the peace as a proper person to serve King Henry V. in his 
war against France. His arms were, Gules, three cats passant 
guardant argent. 

Henry Cat is in the list of Norfolk gentry returned by com- 
missioners in 1433, temp. Henry VI. 1 He held Cattys manor iii 
Smalburgh, 3 and married Catharine, widow of William de Helveston, 
and had William Catt, of Hevingham, his son ; whose son, Henry, 
dying young, left his two sisters coheirs : they married Thetford 
and Yoxley, in which families the manor of Hevingham continued. 

A branch of this family was settled at Wymondham, and was, 
according to Blomefield, 3 one of the most ancient and flourishing 
there. In 22nd. Edward IV., 1483, John Kett, alias Knight, 
was a principal owner in that place. After the dissolution of the 
monasteries, William Kett purchased Westwode Chapel, near that 
place, in 1546. This property was forfeited to the Crown at the 
rebellion under Robert Kett, in 1549. * * 

The property of Westwode Chapel was restored to William, 
son of Robert Kett, and descended to his son Thomas, whose son, 
Richard, sold it in 1606. 

In 1570 a Thomas Kett revealed a plan of conspiracy against the 
new foreign settlers in Norwich. 1 

1 Puller's Worthies. ' 2 Norris MSS. in Smalburgh. 

3 Blomefield, vol. iii. p. 258. 4 Blomefield, vol. iii. p. 284. 


This family seceded from the Established Church very early after 
the Reformation ; for on the 14th. of January, 1588, Francis Kett, 1 
M.A., was burnt at Wymondham, for heretical opinions, then become 
very common in this country from the influx of Protestant refugees. 
It is remarkable that "Westwode Chapel, the former property of the 
Ketts, was used as the Quakers' meeting-house on the first appearance 
of that sect at Wymondham, and the one now used is very near it. " 

After leaving Wymondham, the Ketts had property at Stoke- 
Eerry and other parts of Norfolk. Richard Kett was one of the 
collectors of ship-money in 1637, for the hundred of Forehoe. 3 

Robert Kett of Wicklewood was among the Norfolk commis- 
sioners for several ordinances in 1643 ; and for collecting an assessment 
of .60,000, by Act of Parliament, in 1657, amongst the commis- 
sioners for Norfolk is Thomas Kett, Gent. ; and for Norwich, Richard 
Ket, Gent. 4 In 1694 Richard Kett, grandson of Richard Kett who 
sold Westwode Chapel, owned property at Roughton, near Cromer, 
sold by his son Henry Kett, which Henry had estates at Dickleburgh 
in 1729, still possessed by the family ; and he purchased Seething 
in 1747, which estate was much enlarged by his son, Thomas Kett, 
Esq., whose son, George Samuel Kett, Esq., of Brooke, now holds it. 3 

A pedigree of Kett is subjoined, according to present sources 
of information : 

of Belt. 

OR, on a fess, between three leopards' heads erased affrontcs azure, a lion passant argent. 

Roger le Chat, temp. John, Lord of Repton Hall manor, in Hevingham, Norf. 

Robert le Cat, temp. Henry III. owned lands in Bexwell. 

William le Chat, 1275, in Hevingham. 

Henry le Chat, 1285, held lands in Hevingham and Bexwell. 

John Catt. 

[ l Lansdowne MSS. in Brit. Mus. No. 982 : " Condemnation of Francis Kett for an 
heretick in 1588," fo. 123.] 2 Blomefield, vol. ii. p. 505. 

3 Norris MSS. Collect, of Norfolk Papers, vol. ii. p. 19 : Ship-money. 

4 Norris MSS. Extracts of Journals of the House of Commons, 

5 Papers in possession of Mr. Kett. 


Henry le Cat, 1314, ob. 131 6 = Margery, living 1319. 

Robert John William le Cat Catharine, whose 2nd husband 

was Sir Constantine Mor- 
timer, 1345. 


Margaret, Prioress of Carrow Abbey Henry Catt = . . . Thomas Henry Robert 

Henry Catt, 14181433 Catharine, widow of William 

de Helverton. 

N. N. a daughter ; marr. William Kelt, died young. N. N. a daughter ; man-. 

Yoxley. Thetford. 

1483, John Kett, of Wymondham. 1545, William Kett, of Wymondham. 


Robert Kett, hanged as a rebel, 1549 . . . William Kett, hanged at Wymondham := 


William Kett, temp. Edw. VI. . . . 

Thomas Kett, 1570 . . . Francis Kett, M.A. burnt at Wymond- 

_ [ ham, 1588. 

Richard Kett, 1606, sold the property at Wymondham . . . 

_ I 

Robert Kett, 1643. Richard Kett, 1637 ... 

__ _ I 

Richard Kett, of Norwich, son, or grandson of the first Richard, 1657 = . . . Tho. Kett, Gent. 1657. 


Richard Kett, of Norwich, 1694 _ Martha, dau. of John Hopes (of Amsterdam?) 

I I 

Elizabeth, marr. John Henry Kett _ . . . dau. of Geo. Phillips, of Stoke-Ferry, by 

Gurney, of Keswick. d. 1772. 

Martha, marr. Edmund 
Gurney, of Norwich. 

Plumstead, a near relation of the Penns; 
his father or grandfather an officer in 
Cromwell's army. The Kelts used to pos- 
sess his pardon, and still have some relics 
of William Penn from this source. 

1 w. Lucy, dau. of John Gurney = Thomas Kett, Esq. of Seething _ 2 w. Hannah, dau. of Samuel 
of Norwich. ob. 1820. Gurney, Esq. 

Juliana, man-. Charles George Samuel = Mary, dau. and heir of Anna Maria, marr. 

Tompson, Esq.. Kett, Esq. F.S.A. Milford, Esq. Charles Barclay, Esq. 

2 A 



Dugdale's Mbnasticon, vol. iv. p. 662. 
Priory of St. Leonard at Norwich : a Cell to the Cathedral. 

On a hill near the city of Norwich, in Thorp Wood, Bishop 
Herbert de Losinga built a little priory and church, dedicated to 
St. Leonard, wherein he placed several monks whilst the cathedral 
church and priory were in building ; and a succession of others was 
continued here as a cell to the great monastery till the general 

The house was governed by a prior, who was chosen by the 
prior of Norwich and confirmed by the bishop. This prior was 
obliged to account with the prior of Norwich annually for all the 
offerings in his priory of St. Leonard, and in the neighbouring chapel 
of St. Michael on the Mount, [now called KBIT'S CASTLE,] also 
founded by Bishop Herbert, where he was obliged to find a chaplain 
for the performance of daily service, for which, exclusive of the 
yearly sum paid towards his maintenance by the prior of Norwich, 
he had a yearly stipend. The prior of St. Leonard had also a 
pension of 6s. 4<d. per annum out of the tithes of Taverham. Every 
one of the seven or eight monks who resided here had also their 
separate stipends. They were obliged to find a scholar, and pay 
him a yearly exhibition, at one of the universities, and pay for 
all his degrees. 

Priors of St. Leonard, Norwich. 

Richard de Blakeden, A.D. 1394. Nicholas Ayrich, A.D. 1496. 
Richard Walsham, A.D. 1452. Robert Catton, A.D. 1517. 

St. Leonard's Church was of great note for an image of King 
Henry VI., which was visited by pilgrims, far and near, some of 
whom reported extraordinary cures to have been performed at it. 1 

1 At the British Museum are preserved : 

a. A list of the miracles reported as having been performed by Henry VI. 
" ad invocacionem beati Eegishenrici sexti." Sari. MSS. No. 423. 



The offerings at this image, and at the images of the Holy Virgin, 
the Holy Cross, and St. Anthony, are stated to have produced 
annually a very considerable sum. 1 

At the Dissolution, the site and demesnes of this cell were 
granted by King Henry VIII. to Thomas Duke of Norfolk ; whose 
son, Henry Earl of Surrey, built a sumptuous house upon the spot 
which it had occupied, wherein he dwelt, and which was thence 
called Surrey House. 3 But this earl being beheaded, [Jan. 19, 1547,] 
the whole was forfeited to the Crown, in which it remained till 1562 ; 
and then Queen Elizabeth granted it, with the wood called the Prior's 
Wood, in Thorp, to Thomas Duke of Norfolk, and his heirs ; and 
King James I., in 1602, confirmed it with two capital houses in 
Norwich to Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, and his heirs. 

b. The Bull issued in accordance with the wishes of Henry VII. by Julius II., 

that " diligent and prudent enquiry be made " with reference to these 
miracles. Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. iii. 161 ; and 

c. The monument intended for him. Cotton MSS. Aug. ii, 1. 
The hindrances to Henry's being canonized were : 

a. That the miracles were not well attested, and that the actions of his life 

savoured of weakness rather than sanctity ; and 

b. The great expense, which wholly defeated the project ; Henry VII. finding 

that this would be in proportion, not to the person of the saint, but to the 
riches of him that sought this favour. Sapin's History of England. 

1 The following extract from Dugd. Monaat. vol. iv. p. 23, shows that there was 
also an image of St. Leonard to which offerings were made : 

" Et ad imaginem sancti Leonerdi in capella sancti 

Leonerdi juxta Norwicum 6|." 

2 Michael Drayton, in his Epistle to Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, says of this 
house : 

" Why art thou slack, whilst no man puts his hand, 
To raise the Mount where Surrey's Tower must stand ? 
Or who the groundsil of that work doth lay 
Whilst like a wand'rer thou abroad dost stray ? * * 
When shall the Muses by fair Norwich dwell, 
To be the City of the learned Well ? 
Or when shall that fair hoof-plough'd spring distil 
From great Mount Surrey, out of Leonard's Hill P " 

Blomefieltfs History of Norfolk. 

2 A 2 



Thomas Codde. 

The following inscription existed in Blomefield's time on the 
stone covering the remains of Thomas Codde, in the church of St. 
Peter per Mountergate : no trace of either stone or inscription can 
now be found, though it is just possible it may be discovered under 
the flooring of the present pews, should they ever be removed : 

M. 8. 

" Hie jacet, et per annos CXV 

Jacuit, quod mortale fuit, 
Sed nou quod reliquum fuit, 

Viri istius Boni et Benefici 
THOME CODD quondam 
Senioris, et Eebellanti Ketto 

Opporfcuni, Fidelia, et strenui, 
Civitatis hujus Norwici Majoris. 

Ne ignorarent Posteri, cui Ha?c 
Parochia, itno Civitas Norw: 

Tantum debeut, notum esse 
Pi voluit, omnium qui bene 

Fecerunt, Gratissimus Cultor." 

On another stone, no trace of which can now be found, was the 
following : 

" Here lyeth Johau Codd wedowe late the Wiff of Thomaa Codd 
Citizen and Alderman of Norwich, who deceased the 5th. of 
March 1566." 

The heads of his will, which is dated October 12th, 1558, are 
annually read at this parish church at his commemoration sermon, 
which is preached before the Court of Mayoralty every Sunday before 
the feast of St. Thomas. The Mayor and Corporation have not, 
however, attended at this service since 1835. His effigies, which 
has also passed away, was in Blomefleld's time visible in a north 


window in the nave, in which also were remains of the effigies of 
St. Francis (which shows as if he were a brother of the adjoining 
monastery of Franciscan friars), and St. Edmund naked, with his 
hands tied, his crown on, and his hody full of arrows, and under 
him this broken inscription : 

* * * " istius Civitatis Maioris et Aldermani * * * ejus et pro 
quibus tenentur." 

I am indebted to G. W. W. Minns, Esq., LL.B., for the following 
information relating to Codd's Gifts : 

Codd's Gifts. The following account is from the Reports of the 
Commissioners on Charities and Education, 1815 1839 : 

Great Hospital. Codd's Gift. 

" There is property in the parishes of St. Peter per Mountergato and St. Benedict, 
probably derived from Thos. Codd, the rents of which are carried to the accounts of the 
Great Hospital, and out of the rents there is paid .10 yearly to the minister of St. 
Peter per Moimtergate, for preaching a sermon on the Sunday before St. Thomas's day, 
called Codd's Sermon, also the sum of .1. 6*. 8d. to the churchwardens of the same 
parish, as for ' Knight's meat,' but which sum is in fact applied for the benefit of the 
poor, and .2. 3s. Gd. to the sword-bearer, this sum being also entered in the accounts as 
Codd's Sermon." 


The Summes of moneye payed and delyvered by me Herry Huston 
in y e tyme of y e Campe at Mussolde, w* y e Assent and consent of the 
ynhabtance of y e Townchype of Elmham, and wherfore and to whom, 
as herafter in the parcells more playnly shall apere, &c. : 

Imprimis, to John wryght for to bye w* one fyrkyng of ") _ 
beare and for y e gage of y e ffyrkynge ) 

Item, for ffyshe xij d for bred vj d for mustard ij d for 1 
Garleekes and Oynnyngs bought ther and then ij d i 

Item, to wyllm dyks for hys carte and horses to cary w 1 | _ 

vytalls to the seyd Campe ) J 


Item, delyvered to Thomas powle my partener y en to be | _ ... 
bestowed upon suche thyngs as y er neaded ) 

Item, delyvered to hym aft r y* to y e entents aforseyd ... xvj 

Item. Alowed to myselffe for my carte and horses to ") _ 

cary w' yytalls to y e seyd Campe &c ) " " 

Item, for bred y en vj d for iij ffyrkyngs of bere y en ij s vj d iij 

Item, for bred after y* iiij d and delyvered also to y e seyd ") 

Thomas Powle my partener to y e entents aforseyd f iiij iiij 
iiij" J 

Item, payed to dyks wyfFe aft r y' for j fykynge of Alle ") _ 

x d for ffyse y en viij d for salte ij d j " "* 

Item, to Thomas Pettus for ij Saulter bokes v iiij 

Item. Alowed to myselffe for my Carte and horses to ") 

cary w' vytalls to y e seyd Campe ) " 1J " 

Item, for y e Eepacion of y e hernes vj d ob for arow heads >, 
j d for bred vj d for oynyngs j d for bredd aft 1 y' xiij d 
for arowes ij d for halters ij d for bred ij d for ij fyr- i- ,,iiij ix 
kyngs of bere xx d to Thomas Cott for mendyng of 
his bowe and stryngs iij d ob J 

Item, for bredd after y' v d to Motts for ij Staves vj d for ~) 

Onynyngs j ob to pytcher for j Staff iij d for iiij ffyr- f - iiij x ob 
kyngs of bere iij s iiij a for butter j d for bredd ij d J 

Item, to herry wakefield for mendyng of hys hernes j d ) _ 
for bredd vj d for bred aft 1 y ij d j" 

Item. Alowed to myselff for my wages and p* of my com- ") 

mons xxj d for j fyrkyng of bere x d for bredd iiij d for f iij ,, viij 
ffysh viij d for tack nayles j d J 

Item. Alowed to myself for my Carte and horses after ) _ 
y* to cary vytalls to y e seyd Campe &c J 

Item, to herry wakefeeld and Clement Crow for y er - 
expensses and of y er horses in Norw ch when they 
caryed y e meal and malte xx d for Salt and bredd iiij d \- ij iiij 
for ffyshe onynyns iij d and for y e brueng of one 
fiyrkyng of ber w'in Norwych j d 

Item, in Expensses at fakenham for M r Vycar and other "1 
comrades toke befor y e Kyngs Comyssyoners y er ... j 

Item, to Wyllim Smyth towards y e settyng furth of y e 1 
Sowdyours of landytch hundred ( 


Item, rec' of Thomas Shetell for land ferme iiij 8 ij d wher- 
of was alowed hym for caryeng of vytalls to y e 
campe at Norwyche ij 8 

Item, delyvered to those of y" townchype of Elmhara y* ^ 
went ifyrst to y e camp at Mushold, that ys to saye 
to xij of them by the Assent and Consent of seyd 
townchype, besyds other chargs y er by y e seyd Assent ^ xij 
and Consent as herafter in y e severall parcells wher- 
fore and to whom they wor payed and delyvered 
more playnly shall apere &c * 

Item, to y e wyves of herry ffyld and Rob* Clerk y e seyd \ _ 
tyme, pore folcks, y er husbonds beyng at y e Campe ) 

Item, delyvered after y* to certen of y e seyd Town goyng ) _ 
to y e Campe and for y er Expenss by the waye ) 

Item, to Ry chard Watson and hys Compenye after y* ") _ 

for y er expenss also by y e waye thyther 


Item, to Thomas Wakefeld aft r y* toward y e healyng of ") _ 
hys hands and face hurt at y e ifyrst skyrmyehes &c. ) 

Item, payed y e x th daye of August to suche as shold *\ 

tarye at the sayd Campe for j a wags one week, ( xiiij 
that is to seye, to Eyght of y em w* y e Constable . . . ) 

Item, for mendyng ofhernes y er vj d and to one y* turned ") _ 

y e Spets ij d for flysh iiij d to Brown also iiij d j 

Item, to Bob* Clerk then for hys wagys one moneth ^ 

beyng ther Coke besyde y e gyft to hym afore iij iiij 
wry tten ) 

Item, delyvered to y em of y e Campe the xiiij daye of ) 

Auguste after y' for certen thyngs to be brought > x 
y er and then ) 

Item, to lamberd for byeng of ffyshe and other chargs for ") _ 

hym and his horse y e saterday and Sundaye aft r y' J 

Item, delyvered to Thomas powle one of the Constables ") _ - 
of North Elmham at y c same tyme &c ) 

Item, payed to viij men y e xx th daye of August aft r y* ~\ 

w ch wer apoynted to tery ' y er for y er wagys aft r [ xiiij ., 
iij d y e daye ) 

Item, to vj men y* came from y e Campe then to drynk ) _ 

w l homewards by the waye Ac 5 

1 /. e. " tarry." 


Item, to y" Turner of y e Spets ij d . And sent to y e Campe ") 
y e Tuasdaye next after y' by John "Wryght ) 

Item, to handforth and hys Sone for y c caryeng of one 

_ ^^^ in 
barrell of bere to y e seyd Campe on horse backe ... f 

Item, delyvered to Thomas Cott y e Saterday before y e 

last Skyrmyssh for hym and hys Compenye to ^ xiiij 
drynke w* by the waye &c. 

Item, to Mr. Quayts for hys haver [" I do not know what -\ 

this is." Q-. J.] y er wych we had (at) y e Campe ( iij iiij 
and was lost ther &c ) 

Item, to James lynne of Norwyche for a Copper Shetell ") _ x 
a Spete and a payle lost at y e Campe J 

Mr. Goddard Johnson, in sending this extract, says : " The above is copied from the 
Parish Account-book of North Elmham, of entries there made relative to Kett's 


1548 and 1549. 

Extracts from the Accounts of Rob* Raynbald Chambeiieyn 
of the Cite of Norwiche from the fest of S l Mychaell tharchangell 
2 Edw. VI. until the sayd fest of Sent Mychael in the 3 d yeare. 

p. 283. Cyte locJiers. 

Itm. of Thomas Toly for the fyrst yere ferme of the ~) _ 

4th. and 5th. stalls bothe in oon ) ~~ " V " J " ~ 

and of him for the last i yere nothyng forasmoche 
as he was hangyd as a trayto r . 

Itm. of Edmond Ferebye for the fyrst i yere ferme of ~> _ 

thex th stalle j ~~ " VUJ "" 

and for the last halff yere nothyng for asmoche as 
y e said Ferebye was a rebell in mushold kenell who 
fled and left nothing straynabyll. 1 

1 I. e, "that could be distrained " for rent. 


p. 284. Gantry backers, Long How. 

Itm. of John Kyng for the first \ yere ferme of the ") _ 
second stalle on the same rowe 3 

and for the last \ yere nothyng for y' y e sayd Kyng 
was a rebell in Mushold kenell and was nevyr hard 
of syns. 1 

p. 285. Itm. of John Hylle for the first half year ") _ 
ferme of the second stalle 3 

and for the last \ yere nothyng for that the sayd 
hylle was a Eebell in Mushold kenell and was not 
hard of syns. 

p. 2856. Itm. of John Olivar for the fyrst i yere T _ 
ferme of xvij Shop > 

and of hym for the last yeare ferme nothyng for 
y' the sayd Olivar was a Eebell in Mushold kenell 
and came no more ageyn. 

But E d of Alyce Cobbe for a payer of old trustylles ") _ 
and ij bourds 2 y' war in the Shope 3 

p. 286. Tenements and Qroimds. Dyv' places. 

Itm. of Thomas Hubbard for iij qrs. ferme ended at "1 _ j. y . 
Mydsom 1 for the butter hylls 3 

and for the last qr. nothyng for y' the rebells of 
Mushold kenell brake down the fences thereof and 
made y* common for that tyme. 

p. 287. Itm. of John Bronde for ferme of the hedde -. 
place w th xiij Tenements in south Conysford and a | 
kyllyarde whyche place and tenaments be nowe } Ixvij viij 
consumyd w' ffyer by the Eebells of Musholde | 
kenell J 

Myghelmatt. [Payments'] 

p. 292. Itm. for makyng clene of the Comon Halle lane ") 

whiche was very sore noyed * * * by reason / x 
of the Coinocion 

J I. c. " since." 2 /. e. " boards." 

8 To the south and west of St. Peter's Southgate Church lie the hills called " But- 
ter Hills," but corruptly, the true name being " Botelars " or Butler's hills, on whose 
summit stands the " Black " or " Governor's Tower." The Prioress of Carrow leased 
these hills, in 1521, to the City for ever, at a rent of ten shillings a year. Hist, of 
Norfolk : Lynn, 1778. Continuation of Bkmefield, by the Sev. Chas. Parkin, of Oxborougn . 

2 B 


Ifcm. to old kettryngham and his sonne for earying of "^ 
xxxviij lods * from y e sayd lane and Cokys l and I 
Streetes beyonde the Water which war very sore f > J " 
noyed by reson of y e sayd comocion J 

p. 293. Common Stathes. 

The iveke byfore Itm. payd to John Styngate ferm r -i 
Wytsontyde. ther for l c fadam of Rede layd in j 
the old Comon stathe yard for reparacion of the ! 
old howse in the yarde, whiche reede was fechyd 2 f " XV J " "" 
(as the sayd Styngate sayeth) by the rebella of 
mushold kenell -^ 

p. 295. Itm. payd to Edmond Toungs for makyng -> 
clene of the halle, 3 Stepyll, buttry, pantry, kechyn, 4 | 
backhowse, and all oy r howses of Oft'yce ther, whiche \- xiij iiij 
war sore noyed w* the kyngs provysyon ther, ov r j 
and above xiij 3 iiij d E d of Mr. Spencer 1 

Itm hewyng freestone for the benchys end at the ") 
Stepyll dore and layeng them one day J 

Itm to Wylliam Atkyns his prentyse the same day ^ 
patchyng the Steppys going out of the hall into I 
the Kechyn, which war brokyn with rolling down f 
of vessells, and mendyng dy verse fawts * J 

p. 2951. Itm to a mason mendyng iij or iiij of the ") 

forsayd steppys which war new brokyn at my lord [ ij 

of "Warwyks provysyon ther ) 

Itm. p d to Thomas Pecke ferm r of the tenem* nexte the > 
ij Elmys by the commandement of the hole cownsell 
of the Cyte for certen dores, wyndows, loops, yron 
worke, glasyng, ***** p l an ks for a Sta- 
byll, a * * * w*out the Strete dore, a payer of 
myddyll gats in the entry, w* oy r reparacions done 
by hym in the comocion tyme, wheroff to the ac- 
comptant was not than prevy, wheroff the partyclers 
do appere more at large in a byll made by the sayd 
pecke and delyvdd to M. Mayer and hys brothern . , 

1 /. e. " grates " to the sewers. 2 1. e. " carried off." 

3 St. Andrew's Hall, late the Black Friars, which had at that time a steeple 

4 /. e. " kitchen." 

5 /. e. "faults," or " defective parts." 


p. 2966. Foren receipts. 

Urn. E d of John Eonhale for C xiiij Ib of yron parcell l -\ 

of the porcolas 2 of fybrygge Gats 3 which war C vij - 

brent 4 in the Comocion ty me J 


Itm. E d of certen churchis w' in the Cyte toward y e gret 
charges y e Cyte hade by reson of a Comocion in 
the Country : 

Inprimis, E d of Seynt Peters in Mancroft x 1 ' 

Itm. of Sent Mychaells in Coslany x" 

of Seynt Andrews x 1 ' 

of Seut John in Madermarket xij' 1 

of Seynt Gregory es x u 

of Seynt Lawrens x h 

of Seynt Sothons 5 x 1 ' 

of Sent Maryes in Coslany 6 x 1 ' 

of Seynt Margaryts v h 

of Sent Marten in Coslany 7 iiij 1 ' 

of Sent George in Colgate v 1 ' 

of Seynt Awstens v h 

of Sent Clement in Fybrigge iiij 11 

of Seynt Symonds iiij" 

of Sent George in Tombland v h 

of Sent Mychael at the Plee vj u xiij 8 iiij' 1 

of Sent John tymbyr hylle v u 

of Sent Peters in North Conysford 8 v" 

of Seynt Powles iiij" 

of Sent Mychaels in berstrete xxxiij 8 iiij 1 ' 

of Sent Johns at the Gats 10 xl 8 

of Sent Martens at tymbyr hylle xl s 

1 J. e. " parcel," or part. 2 I. e. " portcullis." 

3 The repairs of Py bridge Gates were subsequently paid for by Alderman Sywhat, 
as will be seen by referring to p. 3086 of these accompts. 

4 /. e. " burnt." 5 /. e. Saint Swithin's. 

6 Or, St. Mary's in Colegate. 7 I. e. Saint Martin's at Oak. 

8 I. e. Saint Peter's per Mountergate. 9 I. e. St. Michael's at Thorn. 

10 Or, St. John at the Castle Gate, now St. John's Timber-hill. 

2 B 2 

* 1J m J 


Itm of Seynt Cro wches l ....................................... xl g 

of All Seynts in Berstrete ................................. lx 8 , 

of Seynt G-yles ............................................. v 1 ' , 

Sum ..................... cl u vj s viij d . 

p. 301. Item p a by the comandement of Mr Wylltn Rogers -s 
then Mayor for certen stuff layd at fybrygge keye for 
reparacion of the same, in which tyme suche gret 
Keyne felle, and after that the comocion, for y' the 
sayd reparacion cowde 2 not be done. And fyrate 
p d to John bronde for brekyng Ston .................. - 

Other mynute expenses hade and p d betwyxt mydsom r 
and inyhelmes in the tyme of thys accompt of, for, 
and by reason of a Comocion steryd and reysed of 
the common pepyll of Norff. and Nonviche, and 
Inkennelled upon Mushold hethe and in thorpe 
wood and in the place cal d St. leonard 3 therunto 

p. 304. Item p d in the tyme of my lord of Warwyck 
beyeng in the Cyte these parcells folowyng : 

p. 3046. Item to a man that gathered together ten^, 
C wights and carryed them to an howse which was I 
shatered and caryed awaye out of the Crane howse f " " '"' 
at the Common Stathe when y* was brent ............ J 

p. 304. Item gafle in reward to Mr. Norry haywad 4 | ... 

at armys w' may lord the erle of Warwick ............ ) " " ^ 

Item to Mr. Bluemantyll, 5 harward ........................ xl 

Item to ij Trompeters y 1 same tyme ........................ iiij 

Item p d to Henry Woodrof laborer attendyng upon the 
Accomptant xiiij dayes whyle my lord of Warwike 

was in the Cyte, 6 ronyng of Brands, helpyug to 
melte the Gonshotte, caryeng of wood, mo 
tendyng to the Masters of the Ordenance w' m 
turmoylyng worke bothe nyght and daye at vj d 

1 This church has been totally demolished since 1551. 

2 I. e. "could." See Appendix (F). 

4 /. e. " herald," or rather Norroy king at arms, Gilbert Dethick, Esq. 

5 Edmund Atkinson, Esq. 

8 The Earl of Warwick entered the city the 24th. of August, and left on or after the 
7th. day of September, to judge by this item. 

f "ij ,, vij 


p. 505. Item payd to Henry Woodrof and Andrew ^ 
Robynson laborers makyng clene the market place 
aft r my lord was gon yche of them xxiiij days, and r xxv 
to John Angell laborer xij days makyng clene and I 
lodyng of carts at v d day every of them -J 

Item to Robert Rogers laborer makyng clene vyronnde 1 
the guyldhalle w'out, and also y e leds, chambers 
and prysens which war very sore noyed xj days at v d 

Itm to Andrew Robinson and sonne helpyng hym and ) _ - 
the other laborers xiiij dayes at iiij d ) 

Itm to John Cadbye for caryeng Ixij lodes * * * out ) _ - 
of the market place at ij d ob 2 / 

Itm to yong Keteryngham for xxiiij lods at ij d ob v 

Itm to old Keteryngham for fourty lods ,,viij,,iiij 

Itm to Henry Carter for xxij lods iiij vij 

Itm to "Wyllm Thrower for xxxiiij lods vij j 

Itm to Edmond hobbard for Ixvj lods ,,xiij ix 

Itm more to hym for xxiiij lods y' came out of the ") 

guyldhalle and prysons and from a vought 3 that f v 
place w'out s 

Itm p d to dyv 8 men for Sholvys, mattocks, baskets, bolls, 4 ) _ - 
Treys, wode and Candyll ) 

p. 3056. Drynke, brede, mete, cariage, ropys, nayles, 
menys labores, and an | c leke thyngs not possybill to 
be wryten particulerly, spent at my lord of "VVarwik 
and my lord Marqways comyng for ramperyng of 
gats, strets, lanys, deks, and abought stanchyng the 
fyers in Conysford, 5 w' many oy r chargis requerid at 
dyv se menys 6 hands aft r the departyng of the forsayd 
from the Cite, ij lords. 

1 I. e. " all round." 2 I: e. 1\A. 

3 I. e. " vault." 4 7. e. " shallow baskets." 

* This mention of the fire in Conisford may be considered as settling the question 
as to whether it occurred during Kett's Rebellion or some previous disturbance. 
Blomefield was undoubtedly mistaken in supposing that any such prior commotion had 

6 7. e. " men's." 



p. 305J. Itm to Sander Clark and oy r laborers makyng ' 
clene the comon halle, bowses, and Cloysters, which 
war wonderfully sore noyed, * * and makyng 

r * L p XX11 V 

clene alle y e common halle lane, layeng part 

in the Cloyster yarde and part caryed in to the | 

Strete, in all charges at that place J 

Itm to Cadby for caryeng often lods * * out of the ) _ - 
lane ther 3 

p. 306. Itm for byrchyn bromys occupyed in the market ^ 

place, comon halle, and comon stath, when they war vj 
made clene ' 

Itm to Mr. Awsten Steward Ald n upon a byll for ~~| 

stoppyng of certen holes in the town walls nere r m j .] 
pokethorpe Gats and Magdalen Gats J 

Poktliorpe Itm p a to Mr. Jermyne for ij c fote of dry ") 

Oats plankes feched at leonards for Pokethorpe > xiij iiij 
gats J 

p. 306 b. Itm for caryeng the same to Byrchys viij 

[tm for caryeng of ij lods of old tymbyr from the whyte ) 

ffryers brydge to byrchys, to be sawen and broken r v j 
for pokethorp and byshoppe gats ) 

Itm to John Elye for ij newe hengylls for oon of the halfH 

Gats ther lv u at iij d j ~~ " Xly " l 

Itm to hym for mendyng of ij old hengylls y l servyd for ) 

the other halff gate j ~ " " X: 

Itm to hym for dyce l hede nayles and Eyvetts xij u at iij d iij - 

Item the rest of all the charges of Pokethorpe Gats as ") 
well for Carpenters craft as for yron J 

p. 3076. Itm worke was p d for by the Churchwardens ~~| 
of Seynt Jamys paryshe, savyng p d to John Eonhale 
for wyddyng 2 of the eeys/ of the oon 4 payer of I xij 
hengylls, and for returnyng of them and settyng on j 
of them and ryyettyng J 

Itm p d to Mr. Codde, Mayer, for dry planke for byshoppe \ 

Gats, oy r and above y l which be left of pokethorpe ( x x 
gats j C and xiiij fote ) 

1 I. e. "nails with dice-shaped heads." 2 J. e . " widening." 

3 /. e. " eyes." -t /. e . >< one- 


Itm to John byrche for liiij foote of planke iij 

Itm to the sayd byrche and hys brother for all chargis ^ 

of workemanshyppe of the sayd Gats in Carpenters ( .. 

craft w', hangyng of them as it appereth by y r par- \ 
ticular bylls 

Itm more to them for certen tymbyr of y r own, ov r and -\ 

besyde the tymbyr y* came from the Whyte ffryers C xij 
brydge, as it appere more at large by ther bylls ) 

Itm Eondhale for iiij newe hengylls of jj^ viiji 1 ' ' at ") _ 

iij d ib : ) 

Itm to hym for dyce hede nayle and Eyvetts ^ iji at 7 , 

iij d lb ) 

Itm to hym for a payer of Jemewes for the Clycke gate 7 _ 
xiiij 1 ' at iij d 3 

Itm to hym for ij C Inglyshe nayle for the lynyng of \ _ 
the gats of vj bore S 

Itm to hym for Clynkyng 2 of the sayd gats v ,, 

p. 308. Itm for caryeug of the same gats from byrchys \ _ 
at ij lods to young Ketteryngam J 

Itm to Edmond Bower for ij newe plate locks w l keyes > _ 
and settyng on ) 

Itm to hym for barres, capps, stapylls, hookes, hespys, 7 _ 
chenes, and oy r thyngs, xxvj 1 ' at iij d ) 

Itm for dy vse sort of nayles (J ij 

Itm p d to Eichard dobyllday freemason for heavvng of ^ 

freeston, and newe reparyng y e walls of the same { iiij 
gats on the feldsyde 3 vj days at viij d ) 

Itm to John Newman rowmason 4 vj days at vij d iij vj 

Itm to ther ij laborers vj days at v d v 

1 I. e. 108i Ib. 

- Clinking is riveting on both sides, while riveting is only on one side, the reverse 
having a head, as a nail. 

3 I. e. " on the field, or outer side." 

4 I. e. " Bough-mason," a common stonemason's labourer. 


Itm to oy r ij laborers fechyng stagyng, tymbyr, hyrdylls, ~\ 

and ledders, from dyvse places of y e Cyte, and caryeng > v 
stufle ' and heye to y e oy r p' of the towers, vj days ) 

Itm to nayles and bast for wolds 2 v 

Itm to the sayd ij masons for iij dayes more settyng a -v 

Wyndow in the est wall, and castyng all the bowses I ... . 

w'in, laying bylletts and hooks in the gate bowse f 
byneth J 

Itm to ther ij laborers y e same iij days and to y e oy r ij ^ 
laborers carryeng home y e stagyng, tymbyr, ledders, I 
and hyrdyles, and makyng y e bowses and leds clene f 

same iij dayes J 

Itm to Mrs. Cotton for xviij Combs 3 lyme ix 

Itrn to Henry Carter for sonde ij lodes xij 

p. 3086. Itm to John byrche for a newe "Wyndowe ~) _ ~ 
stalle set in the est wall ov r y e gate j " ' 

Itm for lyntell for the same both above and bynethe, the ) _ 
"Wall beyng very thycke 5 

Itm for a newe loope for the vyce 4 dore byneth xx 

Itm to Edmond Bower for a newe locke and keye for ") 
y e vyce dore and settyng on j 

Itm for a payer of hengylls 5 for y e same dore xiiij 

Itm for certen stapylls, hooks, and vorells, 6 for the long ") _ 
tymbyr barre of the gats j 

fylrygge Itm All charges of ffybrygge Gates, as well " 
Gate for Carpenters Craft, masons, Smythes, plom, 
as for yron worke, tymbyr, lede, and all other kynds 
of Stuffe war p d and don by Mr. Nycholas Sywhat, }- viij 
Aid., at whose Charge I knowe not, but p d to 
paschall for cuttyng asonder y e Clynke nayles of 
y e porcolas 7 ther 

1 "Stuffe,"*. e. the wood, &c. of which the staging was composed: " heye," i. e. 
hay, which was used in plastering instead of hair. 

2 I. e. bass, or rush ropes, for " woldering " or folding round anything. 

8 A comb is four bushels. 4 The door at the foot of a spiral staircase. 

8 /. e. " hinges." 

s I. e. iron hoops, one at each end of tbe timber bar, to prevent splitting. 
? I. e. " portcullis." 


Itm payd to John Elye for a newe locke and key for ) _ - 

the Inder dore and settyng on 5 

Itm to ij laborers for oon day worke takyn awaye the ^ 
rampere from the utter gate y r , and lede the man r l [ 
of the same at y e waye w'out the same gate to ' 
Inlarge yt and made clene the Tower w'in 

p. 309. Itm for lyme iiij Combs and Sonde 2 a lode ... ij vj 

Itm to Henry Woodrof and Andrewe Eoby Sen r laborers, -| 
makyng clene all y e Strete next y e Comon Stathe as 
far as y e Comon bowses go, caryeng the bryke and 
Ston in to y c comon Stathe grownd, and all y e 
Colder 3 in to y e Kylyard and makyng clene dy vse 
howses w'in y e Comon Stathe place, layeng the ' 
colder in the yarde and a gret porcion of brent Corn, 
and cavehyng 4 up y e bryke in corners ther, xxvij 
days worke at sondry tymes betwyxt Myhelmas and 
Cry stmes at x d the day together 

p. 3104. Itm for tymbyr for y e Style nexte Conysford ij 

Itm for posts Eayles, pales, and tymbyr, for y e Style next ) _ v j- 
berstrete for y e Inclosyng ther / 

Itm for a newe falgate 5 redy made iiij 

Itm for caryeng of the sayd falgate and other tymbyr to 1 _ 

berstrete and Conysford 

Itm for vj d and iiij d nayles w' yron worke as hooks, eeys, \_ 
stapylls, and hesps J 

Pynfolds. Itm p d to Colson carpenter for takyng down -s 
the posts and Eayles of the pynfold 6 at tymbyr I 
hylle, aft r the poles war takyn awaye by y e rebells, f- vj viij 
and dyvydyng y e same stuff into ij pynfolds y r7 I 
wherof be set y e oy r at Seynt Awstens .. J 

1 I. e. " manor;" any kind of rubbish, as old mortar, bricks, &c. 

2 7. e. " sand." 

* J. e. ashes, cinders, fragments of brick, mortar, Ac. 

4 I. e. " piling up roughly." 

4 /. e. a gate that, when open, falls to of its own accord. 

6 A common pound for stray cattle. 7 I. e. " there." 

2 c 


Itm the rest of all the chargis of the sayd ij pynfolds 
was born by the sayd Colaon and John howman, 
who spoyled y e sayd pynfold in the Comocion } - xsiij 
tyme, but p d for yron worke for the pynfold in I 
Seynt Awstens J 

Itm for caryage of the tymbyr from tymbyr hylle to ) 

Seynt Awstens 5 

p. 3116. Itm payd to John Dabiiey, Eychard peerse, and ^ 
John Eussell of Ambryngliall, 1 Dykers, for newe | 
Dykyng a gret porcion, and dyvse parcells of y e }- xxix ,. ix 
comon close 2 which was cast down by y e rebells I 
xvij days worke at xxj a a day altogether J 

Itm to the forsayd iij men and to henry Eussell w' them > 
hedgyng not allonly 3 y l p* which was newe dyked, ! 
but also gret part of the same Close y* was dyked f 
viij days worke at ij 8 iiij ri J 

Itm for lawes 4 bought in the market and some tyme sent ") _ 

for in the County M vjC bought at dyvse pryces ... 5 

Itm to henry Norton of hethyll 5 for xxiiij lods of thornys ") 

redy layd in the sayd Close in suche places as they \ ,, xlviij 
war occupyed J 

Itm to hym for xijC staks 6 layd ther xij 

Itm to Bob' Spall for a newe falgate, ij gret postes, a ") 

framyd style, w' all tymbyr y r to 7 belongyng, worke- \ vij - 
manshyppe, and settyng up } 

Itm for caryeng the same thyther iiij d for yron worke | 

for the same gate xviiij d ) " XX 'J 

p. 3126. Itm p to Mr. Awsten Stewerd Aid. for a 
pece of fyne worsted y* was govyn 8 to Mast r 
Stafford knyght marshal! to my lord of Warwyke ' V J " ~ 
at his beyng here 

1 I.e. "Arminghall." 

2 /. e. " town-close :" this " casting down," &c. is described at p. 31 of the History. 
:t " Not allonly ;" i. e. " not only." 

4 I. e. " white-thorn layer," to be laid in the bank to raise a living fence. 

5 Hethel. The Corporation had an estate here at this time, and have it still. 

6 I. e. " stakes." 7 7. e. "thereto." * I. e. " given." 


Payments by Itm for a pece of Russell 1 that was govyn 

Mr. Codd to Mr. holmys Secretary to my sayd ^ iiij 
Mayer. lord 

Itm p d for supper for the Kyngs attorney and solyerys 2 | _ x - v j;: 
and servants at the Angel 3 ) 

Itm to yong Ketteryngam, Nycolls, and hemlyng, for ") _ 

caryeng of the Alinayns to thetford ) 

Itm for losse hade in sellyng of j c Kyngs brede after | xxx 

the Soldyers war gone from the Cyte ) 

p. 313. Other mynute expenses. 

Itm for ij horses for Sir Andrew fflamok iiij 

lira for a Guyde for a pursevant to Attleburgh xij 

Itm for ffy sh for my lord of Warwy k on ffryday xxiij ,. iiij 

Itm to Thorns Kyng for wrytyng of Mr. Codds accompt ~\ 

of suche receyts and payments as he had receyved > iij iiij 
and payd ) 

Itm p d by the determynacion of Mr Mayer, and of the 
hole cownsell of the Cyte, to the separcells followyng 
at sondry tymes as sewte 4 was made. 

Imprims to Mr. Morent for ij packyn roppys dd 6 to the ~\ 

constabyll of ffybrygge warde for the parcolas 6 of > vj viij 
Seynt Awstens and ffybrygge Gates ) 

Itm to John Bramford constabyll of Seynt Peters for -\ 

certen thyngs p d by hym in the tyme of the I _ x 

comocion, as it appere by a byll put in 7 to Mr \ 
Mayer and hys brothern ' 

Itm to John Mace for certen basketts dd 5 to pookthorp 
and byshoppe Gats, at y e < 
Marques 8 and lord Warwyke 

and byshoppe Gats, at y c comynge of my lord 

Itm to Andrew Quash upon a byll of dyvse thyngs layd | _ 
out by hym i 

1 A fine kind of satin, so called. 2 /. e. " soldiers." 

3 Now the Royal Hotel, in the Market-place. 

4 /. e. " as suit," or " application for the money," was made. 
4 /. e. " delivered." I. e. " portcullis." 

7 I. e. " sent in." 8 The Marquis of Northampton. 

2 c 2 


p. 313J. Itm to Walter fleer for certen costes don by ~\ 

hym upon the Tower l nexte the Eyver bynethe C _ B iij ; , ij 
pokethorpe gats, aft r the comociou as it appere by \ 

hys bylle 

Sum totall ccxj u xix 8 x d 

Allowances. In prims the Awdytes appoynted for this ~\ 

Accompt have allowed to the sayd Accomptant for > v j> 
y e Ingrossyng of thy s Accompt ij tymes J 

Itm they have allowyd hym xxvj 9 viij d payd by thands 2 \ 

of Mr. Thomas Codde Mayer to Crystover Cocke, f ,,xxvi,,viij 

Tann r , for caryeng of erthe out of his garden nexte V 
y e newe Mylls which came out of y e ryver - 

Itm in consyderacion that y e sayd Accomptant was put ~\ 

to the many paynys in the receyvyng of, and ! ^ ^ 

purchasyng of, the Shoppe in the market, and in the V 
comocion tyme, and syns y e comocion * 

p. 314. In repayryng of all suche thyngs as was^| 
wasted and dekayed by the rebells, and layeng out 
of hys own goods, and borowyug of hys frends, as 
well for the payment for the forsayd Shoppys, as for } xl 
the reparacion of the forsayd dekayes, tylle monaye 
myte at layser 3 be preparyd and levyed, all whyche 
thyngs consydered they have allowd hym J 

Sum totall cccliij 11 xxiij d 

p. 311i. And so the comialte 4 owe to the Accomptant ~\ 

for hys fforen payments, whyche he have payd more > lxxj,,iiij j 
than he have recevy d in fforen receyts / 

Whyche they have allowd out of j^x v iiji 5 of 
the arrerage of the revenews of the Cyte and so the 
sayd Accomptant knowledge hymselif detter to the 
comialte 4 in redy money viij' 1 xiij d and 
in detts not yet Eec d . iij u xviij 8 . x d . 

Thys Accompt was vewyd examynd and determyned by the Awdyters here after 
namyd the xxvij day of Mnye in the iiij th yere of Kyng Edwarde y e vj. 





J ' 

1 This is now called " the Cow Tower." 2 /. e. " the hands." 

3 I. e. " at leisure." 4 I. e. " commonalty." * L e. 79. 5s. 



Letter of the Duke of Somerset to the Vice- Chancellor and Mayor 
of Cambridge, from C. H. Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, 
vol. ii. p. 36. 

We comend us right hartylie unto you, And by your joyntlye 
lettres of the tenthe of this monthe we understand as well the dis- 
ordre of certain light persons there attempting disclosures and 
remeadyes of their owne greifes ; As also your good wyse dealing 
with them toward the appeasing of them, for the which first we give 
you heartie thanks with commendacion. And for the further ordre 
of your proceedinge, we will you the maior as your officer and govern- 
our being your Steward, that you shall principallye behave your selfe 
with your brethren so as maye best tend to the comon quiett, And 
declaring unto them the pleasure of the Kinge's Majestic nowe 
signified by his majesties commission for the redresse of unlawfull 
inclosures and suche enormityes, And if they shall not reteyne ordre 
by the kings authoritie, but by their owne, Assure them of the Kings 
Majesties extreame indignacion, and in the end to lacke their redresse 
which uppon their good behaviours they shall both speedilye and 
effectually receave. For the better opynion wherof if there be any 
manifest unlawfull inclosures of late made, the same may be by yor- 
selves redressed, and you our vicechanceller as by our direction being 
your chancellor, we will that ye endeavour your numbre to shew 
themselves som good exaumples of obeydyence, that learning, virtue, 
and godlinesse be not slaundered, but that by your conformitie and 
temperaunce the difference may be tryed betwixt the ignorant and the 
learned, the rude and the taught. And herein resteth no small 
chardge of you and others which ought by your profession to be a 
lyght of virtue, godlinesse, and obedyence. Assuring you both that 
the Kinges Majestie hath in his hands both mercye and justice. And 
as his majestic hath bene hitherto disposed to distribute the one 
largelye : So will he and must, if he be provoked dilate the other, 
throughe the power of God who keep both your societies in his peace, 


to the respect whereof we authorize you to bend your poure and force. 
And if by gentlenesse the offenders do not cease their evill, Lett them 
(if they be liable) cease by your execution. Thus fare ye well. From 
Syon xiij th of Julye, 1549. 

Y r loving friend 



C. H. Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, vol. ii. p. 37. 


After our hartye commendacions, We have receaved your letters 
of the fifteenth of this instant, and thereby understand your request 
for a pardon to be graunted to certayne persons lately offending 
within the Countye of Cambridge, whereunto uppon hope of their 
amendment we are conformable, And to that end we send you here- 
with their pardon, upon the proclayming whereof we will ye declare 
the kings majesties bountifull mercye and goodnesse towards them 
being moved with pittye upon this their first offence, And uppon the 
committing of the like not to trust for his majesties mercye to be 
shewed unto them, but for his princelye power and sword to be 
extended against them as a scourge to rebells. And yet perceaving 
amendment uppon this admonition, his majestic will accept and use 
them as any other his faithfull subjects not committing the like 
offences. Thus we bidd you farewell. From Westminster the xvi" 1 
of Julye A 1549. 

Yo r loving friend 


Postscriptum. We praye you further to confer with the Sheriff, 
and for the better execution of this to use his power and authoritye. 



The Devonshire Rising. 

But the most dangerous commotions, which held so long as to 
entitle them to the name of rebellions, were those of Devonshire and 
Norfolk ; places remote from one another, but such as seemed to 
have communicated counsels for carrying on of the design. 

The first of these in course of time, was that of Devonshire, 
begun (as those in other places) under pretence of throwing open the 
enclosures, but shortly found to have been chiefly raised in mainte- 
nance of their old religion. On Whitsun-Monday, June the tenth, 
being next day after the first exercising of the public Liturgy, some 
few of the parishioners of Samford Courtney compelled their parish 
priest, who is supposed to have invited them to that compulsion, to 
let them have the Latin mass, as in former times. These being 
seconded by some others, and finding that many of the better sort 
were more like to engage in this quarrel than in the other pre- 
vailed with those which before had declared only against enclosures, 
to pretend religion for the cause of their coming together. And that 
being done, they were first headed by Humphrey Arundel, Esquire, 
commander of St. Michael's Mount, and some other gentlemen, which 
so increased the reputation of the cause, that in short time they had 
made up a body of ten thousand men. Of this commotion there was 
but little notice taken at the first beginning, when it might easily 
have been crushed ; the Lord Protector not being very forward to 
suppress those risings, which seemed to have been made by some 
encouragement from his proclamations. In which respect, when the 
mischief did appear with a face of danger, and could not otherwise 
be redressed but by force of arms, instead of putting himself at the 
head of an army, the Lord Russell is sent down with some slender 
forces, to give a stop to their proceedings. But whether it were 
that he had any secret instructions to drill * on the time, or that he 

1 Johnson supposes the word, in this sense, to be a corruption of " drawl." 


had more of the statesman than the soldier in him, or that he had not 
strength enough to encounter the enemy he kept himself aloof, as if 
he had been sent to look on at a distance, without approaching near 
the danger. 

The rebels in the mean time, increasing as much in confidence as 
they did in numbers, sent their demands l unto the king ; amongst 
which, one more specially concerned the Liturgy, which, therefore, 
I have singled out of all the rest, with the King's answer thereunto, 
in the words that follow. It was demanded by the rebels, that, 
" forasmuch as we constantly believe, that after the priest hath 
spoken the words of consecration, being at mass, there celebrating 
and consecrating the same, there is very really the body and blood 
of our Saviour Jesus Christ, God and man ; and that no substance 
of bread and wine remaineth after, but the very self-same body 
that was born of the Virgin Mary, and was given upon the cross 
for our redemption ; therefore we will have mass celebrated as it 
was in times past, without any man communicating with the priests ; 
forasmuch as many, presuming unworthily to receive the same, put 
no difference between the Lord's body and other kind of meat ; some 
saying that it is bread both before and after ; some saying that it is 
profitable to no man, except he receive it, with many other abused 

To which demand of theirs the King thus answered : viz., that 
" For the mass, I assure you, no small study nor travail hath been 
spent by all the learned clergy therein ; and, to avoid all contention, 
it is brought even to the very use as Christ left it, as the Apostles 
used it, as the holy fathers delivered it ; indeed, somewhat altered 
from that to which the Popes of Rome, for their lucre, had brought 
it. And although (saith he) ye may hear the contrary from some 
popish evil men ; yet our majesty, which for our honour may not 
be blemished and stained, assureth you that they deceive, abuse you, 
and blow these opinions into your heads, to finish their own purpose." 
But this answer giving no content, they marched with all their 

1 These are given at full length, with the answer received from the King, by Foxe, in 
his Book of Martyrs, bk. is. 


forces to the siege of Exeter ; carrying before them in their march 
(as the Jews did the ark of God, in the times of old) the pix, or 
consecrated host, borne under a canopy, with crosses, banners, can- 
dlesticks, holy bread and holy water, &c. But the walls of Exeter 
fell not down before this false ark, as Dagon did before the true ; for 
the citizens were no less gallantly resolved to make good the town 
than the rebels were desperately bent to force it. To which resolu- 
tion of the citizens, the natural defences of the city (being round in 
form, situate on a rising hill, and environed with a good old wall) 
gave not more encouragement than some insolent speeches of the 
rebels, boasting that they would shortly measure the silks and sattens 
therein by the length of their bows. For forty days the siege con- 
tinued, and was then seasonably raised : the rebels not being able 
to take it sooner, for want of ordnance, and the citizens not able 
to have held it longer, for want of victuals, if they had not been 
succoured when they were. One fortunate skirmish the Lord Russell 
had with the daring rebels about the passing of a bridge, at which 
he slew six hundred of them, which gave the citizens the more 
courage to hold it out. But the coming of the Lord Gray, with 
some companies of Almain horse, seconded by three hundred Italian 
shot, under the command of Baptista Spinoli, put an end to the 
business ; for, joining with the Lord Russell's forces, they gave 
such a strong charge upon the enemy, that they first beat them 
out of their works, and then compelled them, with great slaughter, 
to raise their siege. Blessed with the like success in some fol- 
lowing fights, the Lord Russell entered the city on the sixth 
of August ; where he was joyfully received by the half-starved 
citizens, whose loyalty the King rewarded with an increase of their 
privileges, and giving to their corporation the manor of Exilond. 
The sixth of August, since that time, is observed amongst them 
for an annual feast, in perpetual gratitude to Almighty God for 
their deliverance from the rebels ; with far more reason than many 
such annual feasts have been lately instituted in some towns and 
cities, for not being gained unto their king. But, though the sword 
of war was sheathed, there remained work enough for the sword of 

2 D 


justice, in executing many of the rebels, for a terror to others. 
Arundel and the rest of the chiefs were sent to London, there 
to receive the recompense of their deserts ; most of the rabble 
were executed by martial law ; and the Vicar of St. Thomas, one 
of the principal incendiaries, was hanged on the top of his own 
tower, apparelled in his popish weeds, with his beads at his girdle. 

Heylin's History of the Reformation. 


State Paper Office Domestic Edward VI. vol. viii. 56. 

Sir ye shall understande that one John Whyte came unto me 
uppon Sonndaye last, and delyvered me a bill of certayne worcles 
spoken by one George Mecchar, whom I send unto you with the said 
bill and his answers. Sir, as a pore man maye requier you, be playne 
with my Lord's grace, that under the pretence of symplyssitie and 
povertie there maye rest mouche myschyffe. So doe I feare ther 
dothe in these men called Common Welthes and there aderents. Too 
declare unto you the state of the Gentilmen (I mean as well the 
greatest as the lowest) I assure you they are in souche dowte, that 
allmost they dare touche none of them, not for that they are afrayed 
of them, but for that some of them have bene sent upp and come a 
waye without ponysshement, and that Common Welthe called Latymer 
hathe gotten the pardon of others (and so they speke manyfestlye) 
that I maye well gether J some of them to be in gellocye 3 of my Lord's 
ffrendship, yea and to be playne, thinke my Lord's grace rather to 
will the decaye of the gentilmen than otherwyse. prayinge you to 
requier my Lords grace to beare with my boldness, for as God shall 
helpe me, I wryte yt onelie of dutie and reverence that I beare to the 
King's majestie and his grace. Assurynge you that yf wordes maye 
doe harme or maye be treason or any ylle 3 come of them, ther was 

1 /. e. "gather." 2 I. e. "jealousy." 3 I.e. "ill." 


never none that ever spake so vyllye l as these called Common Welt lies 
doe. And let not to saye that yf they have not reformacyon before 
the feast of St. Clement they will seke another waye. I travelled 
yestardaye with my Lord Warden who semed to me to be in dowte 
that my Lord's grace toke his letters in ylle parte rather than good 
for that he hathe not byn fully answeryd of them from his grace 
towchinge these sedycyous persons. Too be playne with you, uppon 
full communycacyon hadd with hym, he said, That although tyme 
served not nowe, he dowtyd not but that my Lord wold punyshe : and 
that yf his grace wolde so wryte unto hym yt wolde fully satysfie. 
I wryte this unto you to thentente 3 I wolde wyshe my Lord's grace 
somewhat consortable to wryte unto hym ; for, yf I shuld saye myne 
opynyon, a man is rather to be kepte in this whorlinge worlde then 
lefte in dowte. I have wrytten the leke letter to my Lord's grace 
here inclosed : yf yt shall seame meate unto you to be delyvered I 
praye you seale yt and delyver yt : yf yt shall seme unto you not mete, 
I praye you use the parte of a ffrende : and to the pore man Eflecchar, 
I praye you be as good to hym as you rnaye for he hathe a wyffe and 
viij chyldren. Trustinge that from hencefourthe he will be an honest 
man as knowethe Allmyghtie God, who graunte you long lyffe ffrom 
Dover, the xth. of September 

Your poor ffrend 


Too the right worshipfull and my very 
ffrende Mr. Cycell. 


Ketfs Governours. 

Norwich. 3 

TJte hundred of Fourefioo.* Eobt. Kelt, Thomas Eolff, Willm. Ket. 

The hundered of North grenehotve. 6 Edmond Fframyngham, Willm. Tydde. 

1 I. e. " vilely." 2 I. e. " the intent." 

:( The names of those that represented Norwich have been lost. 

4 I. e. " Forehoe." 5 I. e. " Greenhoe." 

2 D 2 


The hundred of South Erpyngham. Reynold Thurston, John Wolsy. 

The hundred of Est ' Flegge and West Flegge. Symond Englysshe, Willm. Pecke. 

The hundred oflandryche? George blomefild, Willm. Herryson. 

The hundred of Eynsforth? Edmond belys, Eobt. Sendall. 

The hundred of ITumbleyard. Thomas Prycke, Henry Hogekyngs. 

The hundred of[Nor]tk erpyngham. Eychard Bevis, Willm. Dowty. 

The hundred \Tav\erliam. Thomas Garrod, Willm. pefcyr. 

The hundred ofbrothercrosse. Eobt. Manson, Eobt. Ede. 

The hundred of Slowfeld. John Spregey, Ely Ilyll. 

The hundred off Walsham. John Kytball, Thomas Clerke. 4 

The hundred of Tunsted. John Herper, Eichard lyon. 

The hundred of Happynff. Edward Joye, Thomas Clocke. 

The hundred of Hensted. Willm. Mowe, Thomas Hollyng. 

The hundred of Holt. John Bossell, Valentyu Moore. 

The hundred ofloudon and Knaveryng? Eobt. lerold, Eichard Ward. 

The hundred of South c/renehowe. Edward Byrd, Thomas tudenham. 

The hundred of Me/forth. 6 Symond Newell, Willm. Howlyng. 

The hundred off Frebrygge. 7 Willm. Heydon, Thomas Jaeker. 

The hundred of Oallowe. Eobt. Cotte, John Oxwyke. 

The hundred of depewade. Willm. Browne, Symond Seudall. 

Suff. 9 Eychard Wright. 

Harl. MS8. 304, fo. 75 

I have mucli pleasure in giving here the following additional 
explanations, tending to throw light upon Kett's Grievances ; for 
which, as also for much other valuable information, I am indebted to 
G. A. Carthew, Esq., F.S.A., of Dereham. 

P. 49, line 8. Stice, *. <?. " Stica, mensura numeralis 25 anguillas 
continens." Spelman. Gloss. [I give Spelman's explanation ; but 
as he unfortunately does not explain " anguillas," it is of little or no 

P. 50, line 1. Castleward rent. The great feudatories of the 

1 I.e. "East." 2 /. e. "Launditch." 3 I. e. "Eynesford." 

4 See page 107. 6 /. e. " Loddon and Clavering." 

6 I. e. " Mitford." 7 I. e. " Freebridge Lynn." 

8 As the Grievances immediately follow, we may assume the list of hundreds 
represented by Governours to be complete. Twenty-four had representatives, and nin 
had not. 


Crown were bound to make certain payments, collected by the Sheriff 
or his bailiffs, for the keeping or defence of the King's castles : 
" Castri defensio vel custodia, quam alii e precario faciunt, alii ex 
terrarum servitute." Spelmanni. Glossarium. Such payments were 
in proportion to the number of knights' fees, &c. held. The mesne 
lords subinfeoffed the manors so charged, and the knights, and 
others holding of them, in their turns required their under-tenants to 
perform the services, or make the payments in lieu of them. 

See an account of the Castle Guard rents payable by the Bishop 
of Norwich, and other great barons, to the King's castle at Norwich, 
and of the knights' fees charged therewith : also much information 
relating to Castle Guard, Blanchefarm rents, &c., in Kirkpatrick's 
Notes on Norwich Castle, published by Edwards and Hughes, Lon- 
don, 1845, Appendix to History of the Religious Orders, &c. of 
Norwich. With regard to Blanchefarm rents, Kirkpatrick says 
(App. p. 294), " I suspect there may be no more in these rents of 
Alba Firma (blanch or white farm) at first, than only quit-rents due 
to the King, which 'were usually paid at the castle." [See p. 50, 
note 2, suprd,.~\ 

P. 51, line 1. Ffeodorye, Feudary, or Feudatory, was an officer 
of the Crown, whose duties, combined with those of the Escheator, 
were to take care of the feuds or rights of the King, and to see that no 
dues in respect of lands held in capite, escheats, marriages, wardships, 
&c., were lost; and for that purpose he held inquisitions, or offices 
(so called from being taken by him ex qfflcio), for inquiring into 
the facts. 

The meaning of this prayer is, they wanted the Feudary in every 
case, instead of being appointed by the Crown, to be appointed by 

P. 52, line 3. " Esthetory and Ffeodarie," i. e., Escheator and 
Feudary, both of which have been just explained. 

This article means, that no man shall be put, by the officers 
above mentioned, to the expense of an inquisition, either post mortem 
or otherwise, unless he held of the King in chief, or capite, above 10 
a year. 


But, even with this additional information, I must admit that 
there are still difficulties in these Grievances which I have not suc- 
ceeded in clearing up. 


At a gate between Bishop' s-gate and the Hospital Tower, were 
placed six pieces ordnance, charged with more than two hundred- 
weight shot, and other furniture, of bows, bills, and arrows, against 
the which came great numbers of boys to take the water, but they 
were, with the arrows and shot, letted of their purpose. And 
this wrighter till noon was in ayde of them, and being sent for a 
barrel of beer for the drye armye, was met by a great number which 
came through the river, and so scared the gunners away and others, 
that some ran to raise up the City for more help, for the rebels had 
broken up the rampires, opened the gates, and carried up 6 pieces of 
ordnance to the hyl, and the rest in such nombre as the citizens could 
not deal with them, ran, crying about the streets, Traitors ! traitors ! 
and great nombre enter' d houses, robbed shops, and did much 
violence. Norwich Roll, 

I should give the following letter with more pleasure if I had 
better authority than mere conjecture, for attributing it to Lord 
Sheffield : Burke says he married the Lady Anne Vere, daughter of the 
Earl of Oxford, but does not mention his marrying the daughter of 
" maister Candyshe." 

Letter of Edmund Sheffeld to Mr. Candyshe. 

Grace and peace from oure Lorde Jesus Criste, granter and per- 
former of all his promyses unto his Electe, unto whome (as his holy 
Apostle witnessethe) all thinges worke to the beste be it truble or 
vexation, joy or tranquillity. 


I do rede in the actes of the Apostells spoken bi the mouthe oi' 
Saynct Pawle, and also in his Epistle unto Timothe that a man cannot 
entre in to the kingdom of heaven withe out persecution and truhle, 
and why ? bicause as it is writen in the Epistle to the Galatyans, 
The sprete desirethe anenste the fleshe, and the fleshe anenste the 
sprete, and bicause that Esau fleshly mynded persecuthe his brother 
Jacob, bicause that men fleshly mynded (as are sume greate men, you 
know whome I meane) Mowing the fleshe and the appetite thereoff, 
persecutethe the trewthe, bicause they will not have their dedes 

Thus it is that my Lorde is muche displeased withe me, and wull 
not leave to liffe that stone that he cannot beare, how and after what 
fashion I wull not writte trustyng in any wise that upon the sight 
hereof you wull visett me in prison, accordyng to the comandement in 
the Gospell. As I remember when ye were with me ye told me that 
you would move my Lorde Privy Scale upon this matter, and iff you 
have done it or wull doo it, you may doo me a greate pleasure and soo 
fare you well in the Lorde. 

Youre faithefull Sonne, 


Endorsed To his raoste worshipfull father 
in Lawe maister Candyshe. 

Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, 


Privy Council Register. 

EDWABD VI. vol. I. 

xxiiij Aug. p. 574. Mr. Williams had warrant for vij u x 8 , viz. v u to Barnard 
of Norfolke in Reward for service and L 8 to v men of Gloucester that 
brought up a singing man being a Rebell. 

v Sep. p. 580. The same (Mr. Peckham) had warrant for x 1 ' to one that 
caryed a masse of money to the Allmayns remayning in N'orfT. 

Mr. Peckham had warrant for mv K imprest to thalmaynes fotemen 
serving in Norff. 


vi Sep. p. 581. Mr. Perse had warrant for v u in reward to Owen Hopton 

cummyng out of Suff. 
viii Sep. p. 582. Warrant to for cc 1 ' to Horniold imprest for 

ordynaunce in my L. of "Warwickes journey. 
xv Sep. p. 586. Warrant to for cclxxij" xix s vj d to Sir Thomas 

Gressham for his wages in Norff. uppon the declaracion of Horniold. 
xxviii Sep. p. 590. Mr. Williams had warrant for xxx u to the Kinges attorney 

for his coast ' and charges going into Norff. remayning there from the xijth. 

of August until the xxth. of this present. And to the Kinges Solicitor for 

the like purpose xx 1 '. 

Warrant to for in 11 to the Lord Willoughby. 

Vol. II. 

xxiii Oct. p. 24. Harry Saxey and Ffrancis Foxall mercers had warrant to pay- 
to John Horniold cecxlij 1 ' iiij s iiij d , viz. to Sir Roger AVhite Capt n lj u xviij 8 , 
to Sir George Awdeley viij u xiij s iiij d , Sir Marmaduke Constable ix 1 ' xvij" 
Thomas Bussell provost marshall xxx 1 ', to thofficers of thordynaunce ccxx 1 ' 
to the harauldes of tharmy xxj 1 ' xvj 8 for wages unpayd in the jorney to 

xxx Oct. p. 27. Mr. Williams had warrant for mmvclj 1 ' x 3 2 to the Lord 
Willoughby due to him uppon the deterrnynaciou of his accoumpt against 
the Eebelles in Norff. under thande 8 of thauditours 4 of the prest. 

xxi Nov. p. 39. The Eeceyvour of the duchy had warrant to pay to Sir 
William Candish cccc" to be payd over to Sir John Mason for the 
payment of suche messingers as this sommer past hath been sent in post 
to dyvers partes of the Eealme, and with the rest if any remayne to pay 
parte of the debt due to thordynary 5 postes. 

x Dec. p. 46. The same treasurer (Mr. Williams) had also warrant for the 
payment to Cuthbert Musgrove his owne wages as Capt" of lyght horsmen 
from the xvijth. of Aprill after iiij 8 per diem, his peticapt n ij 8 , Trompeter 
xij d , and xij light horsmen eche at ix d . from the xvijth. of Aprill last past, 
sythens which tyme he hath had no allowaunce for himself and them 
payable in the north in respect that he hath been employed with them in 
service at Norwich journeyeng from the north and attending here for dis- 
charge to be payed to the xxvth. of the moneth inclusive. 

xvi Jan. 1550. p. 58. Warrant to Mr. Williams for vi u xiij 8 iiij d to Thomas 
Woodrif in respect of his charges attending here for lettres into Norff. for 
the service of his raajestie. 

1 I. e. " cost." 2 I. e. 2,551. 10*. 3 I. e. " the hand." 

4 /. e. " the auditors." 5 I. e. " the ordinary." 


vii Feb. p. 80. Lettres to Sir Boger Townesende to sett upon the pillary 
the next market at Wissingseat 1 in Norff. if yt be a market Towne, 
or else at the nexte Market Towne to Wissingseat, on 2 William Wintered, 
for sedicious wordes, and to cut of oon 2 of his eares, and then dismisse him 
with a good lesson. 

x Feb. p. 88. Warrant to Thexchequer for payment of iij u to certen ser- 
vauntes of Sir Thomas Jermyn and Sir William Drury, for the bringing 
uppe of William Eyly and John Smith, who be corny tted to the Marshalsee 
for going about the Eebellion. 

xxi Feb. p. 98. Lettre to to let their master mason consider the 

breaches of their towne and give order for provisyon of sand and lyme. 
And commission shalbe sent for gathering of workmen. 3 

xxv Feb. p. 103. One Wythe a Eebell of Norff. commytted to the 


iiij March, p. 109. Warrant to Mr. Williams for si" to William Saunders for 
his charge bringing up one G-arrett 4 a malefactor. 

xxi March. Vol. ii. p. 124. Two severall lettres of Apparence for William 
Threlket of Blakney in Norff. and Adam Tongham of Wiveton 5 nere to 
Clay also in Norff. 

xvii April, p. 145. Lettres to the Justices of peace &c. in all shires to devide 
themselfes into quarters, and to give order for the due execucion of the 
lawes and statutes and specially of thactes for vagaboundes, unlawfull 
games, forstalling, regrating, unlawfull assembles &c. according to the 


The only gentleman of note that was suspected of favouring the 
insurgents was Sir Nicholas Lestrange of Hunstanton; but it is 
not at all clear what grounds there were for this suspicion : the 
following extracts from his Household Accounts show that he sent 
his " ordenaunce " to Norwich, but for whom or for what purpose 

1 /. e. " Whissonsett -." as this is only a village, the above sentence, if carried out, 
must have been so at Fakenham, about five miles distant. 

2 I. e. "one." 3 This may refer to Norwich, but (?). 

4 There is no evidence to show whether or no he belonged to Norfolk. 

5 Or Wiverton." 6 I. e. " the acts." 

2 E 


is not stated ; and that he, with certain of his retainers, was there 
also after the rebellion had been suppressed : 

p. 558. Item p d the same daye (July 27) to one that 

caryed yo r ordenaunco to the at Norwyche xij 

Item p d the same daye (Sept. 7) for xvij of o r dynners at 

Norwyche iiij ,, viij 

Item p d the viij th of September for yo r horssemete at 

Norwyche xlix 

Item p d the same daye ther for xviij of o r suppers .-. v viij 

Item p d the same daye for a pottell of sacke for the Kyngs 

Attorney 1 viij. 

This last item shows that he was desirous of securing the 
friendship of the king's attorney ; while from the following letter, 
addressed by him, September 15th, to " Master cycell," it appears 
that he had a reason for acting thus : 

MASTER CYCELL, as I have ernest causses to gyve you thankes for 
my last letter optayned att my lord graces handes unto my lord 
Willowby for the execucyon of my offyce, evyn so I must confesse 
that, by the delyverye of ytt, yt hath wrought me my lord Willowbys 
ernest hatred, and yett yt nottwithstandyng commanded me from 
the offyce, clerly bothe ageynst the lawe and allso ageynste the 
letter. "Wherby I have nott loste only 2 the commodite therof, but 
allso hathe sustaynyd the dysshonestye of my reputacion, wherby 
I am verye myche defacyd in my contrey, nott a lytell to my dyss- 
pleasure ; and yett they, nott therwith contentyd, malycyouslye 
sekythe with untrouthe my utter undoyng, using for instruments 
in thys behalffe Sir Roger townsend and Sir edmond Knyvyghte, 
who hertofor hathe sought att my hands to purchasse severall pecys 3 
of my londs whyche lythe 4 nere them, wherwith I wyll nott depart, 5 
and now theye seke I thynke, with the good onsett of unthankful 
Husseye, to obtayne the same in cravyng of my Lord, ther joinyd 
allso with theme Sir thomas Hoolles who, as you know, [is] a fooll 

1 Archaeologia, vol. xxv. 2 I. e. " I have lost not only," &c. 

3 J. e. " pieces." 4 J. e. " lieth." 5 I. e. " part." 


meat l to be leed with every wynde. Butt as I gather, theye seeke 
to make me the begynnare of the commotions in Norff., whyche as 
you know was begonne before my commyng owght of Hamshyre 
in too 2 severall placys ; and yf I had benne a manne meanyng 3 the 
commocyon, I neyther nedyd to have putt my selffe into a cocke 
boot 4 to have passyd the sea into Lyncolnshyre, nor yett to have 
cravyd the lord Wyllowbye, nor the subtyll gloryous Husseye, to 
make ther repayre unto Lynne, for the defence bothe of the town 
and allso of the jentyllmen, whyche, takyng the town for reskewe, 5 
were dryven owght ageyne, and from thense as you know I came to 
London, sekyng meanyes 6 at the councells handes to quyett the 
rebells, of whome I recevyd letters to declare unto theme, whyche 
once declaryd they therwith nott beyng contentyd to dyssevare 7 
theme sellvys, I came my way to Lynne, and waytyd upon my lord 
Wyllowbye ther with fiftye menne, untyll the end att Norwyche. 
and for the manner of my servyce I wyll reffer ytt to the judgement 
of all menne that wer there, these my doyngs, with my so long 
absence owght off my cowntreye, well consydered, wyll declare me 
to be no partaker of the begynnyng of eny commocyon in Norff., as 
Sir Wyllm. Wodhousse, who was with me, canne declare 8 me in all 
thys matter, and yff I shall be chargyd for the leavyng of my 
brother and my sonne as pledgys for me and for Sir Wyllm. Wod- 
housse, better I thowght ytt so to doo then to have remaynyd 
my selffe, for I, havyng as you know, a byll sygnyd with the 
Kyngs maiestyes hand and my lord protector graces hand for the 
levying of the countrey, thowght myselffe most unmeatt 9 to have 

1 /. e. " a fool, meet to be led," &c. 

2 I. e. " two." The two places may have been Norwich and Castle Eising. 

3 " Meaning " seems here to be used for " favouring,"" meaning to join in the 

4 I. e. "jolly-boat," or small boat belonging to a ship. 

5 I. e. " seeking protection in the town." I. e. " means." 

7 I. e. " to disperse themselves." 

8 "Declare" seems here to be used for "clear," or " state me to have been clear," 
or innocent, " in all this matter." 9 I. e. " unmeet." 

2 E 2 


remanyd with theme yff by eny possyble meanne I wer able to 
escape ther handes. thus yff eny thyng of thys matter shall come 
to the handes of my lord protector I shall moste ernestlye crave yow 
to be my meanne 1 that the evyll Judgement maye be respytyd 
untyll I maye be hard speke. 2 and yff the offence were so heynus 3 
in me, as ytt ys not, and as they seke to make ytt, ther hathe benne 
syns yt thre pardones* proclaymyd in Norff. wheroff a thowsand 
traytors hathe takyn benyfytt and nott ytt sowght 5 Wherfor, 
wherfor I maye well thynke my selffe an unhappye manne, that 
neyther thynkyng nor doyng evyll, shuld be sowght with an offence, 
whyche ys pardonyd, yff ther wer eny suche, and yett in dede ther 
ys nonne. 

Thys cravyng your erneste frendshype att thys my neede, wherof 
my poor Ancestors for thys thre hundryd yeres hath nott towchyd 
with eny suche charge, but the heppe 6 of papystys 7 were lefte be- 
hynde att Lynne to kepe the towne, who never cowld fynd eyther 
leyser 8 or tyme to inquyre of eny of their own faccyon, 9 nor yett 
of eny of eyther the cheff constables or under constables, wherof 
some never seassed 10 untyll the laste daye. Wryten in parte at 
Lynne thys xvth of September a 1549. 

Yours who cravythe your frendshyp 


I do thynke that Husse cowld be contentyd that I myght 

1 J. e. " the means for me, that the evil judgment may be respited." 

2 I. e. " heard speak." 3 /. e. " heinous." 

4 The three pardons were proclaimed : 

a. July 21at, as mentioned, briefly, p. 59, and more fully, p. 74. 

1. August 1st, p. 95. 

c. August 24th, p. 126, et seq. 

5 The MS. is here somewhat indistinct. The meaning seems to be, " a thousand 
traitors have taken advantage" of the pardon offered, and so obtained safety " without 
having sought for it." 

6 I. e. " the heap," or large number. 7 I. e. " papists." 
8 I.e. "leisure." 9 I.e. "faction." 

10 The meaning seems to be "never ceased" to act, and consequently they would 
be able to give evidence as to what took place, '^until the last day " of the commotion. 


be put to sum trobbyll, wherby I myght not make inquerye of hys 
doyngs. Mr Stanbope ys hys very good master. Sir yff yt shall 
seme good unto yow, yow maye make Master Stuard l pry ve unto thys 
letter, who in my trowthe I truste wyll shew me hys frendshyppe. 


The Duke of Somerset to the Ambassador Sir Philip Holy, 
resident w* the Emperor, ~\.st September, 1549. 

After our right harty commendations, we have heretofore 2 adver- 
tised you of the troblesome huskies, uprores, and tumults, practised in 
sundrye places of the realme, by a number of sedicious and evell dis- 
posed persons, to the great disquietnes, bothe of the Kinges ma tie and 
all other his highnes quiet and loving subjectes ; w ch tumults and 
commocions, albeit at the beginning thei were spred in manic parts of 
the realme, yet in thende 3 all places were well pacified and quieted, 
saving Devon and Cornewall and Norfolke, wher thei continued their 
rebellion so stubbornlie, as the Kinges ma tie was forced to send his 
highnes lieutenant w* a power bothe waies the sooner to represse them, 
and bringe them to their dueties, viz., my L. Privie scale 4 for Devon- 
shire and Cornewall, and Th'erle of "Warwicke into Norfolke. And 
like as we have heretofore signified unto you the proceadings of my 
L. Privie seale in his journey, w ch by his politique and wyse handling 
of the matter, after the slaughter of more then one thousande of the 
rebelles, and execucion of some of the ringleaders, he hathe (thanks 
be to god) so honerably achieved and finishede, as not onlie the 
counties remaine permanently in good order, but also the multitude 
so repent their former detestable and naughtie doinges, as thei 
abhorre to heare them spoken of. So you shall understand that, in 
Norfolke, the living god hathe so wrought by the wysdome and manli- 

1 J. e. most probably " the Lord Steward," or " Great Master of the Household," 
who has been previously mentioned at p. 152. 

2 See p. 137. 3 I. e. " the end." 4 John, first Lord Eussell. 


nes of my L. of Warwicke, that thei also are brought to subjection by 
suche means as ensuethe. The saide rebelles having traveled by the 
space of one monethe or more to allure to them suche nombers of other 
light persons as thei might, and partly by that meanes, and partly by 
force and violence, at the laste hade assemblede together a great nomber, 
did after encampe them selves nere the citie of norwiche, w ch citie thei 
hade also at their commandment, and therin hade placede their 
victualles and other provisions, wherof thei hade gotten lerge 1 furni- 
ture, my L. of "Warwicke comming to those parties, after he hade 
throughly understande the state of the rebelles, knowing the better 
parte of them to be such simple persons, as were either constrainede 
by force, or otherwise seducede by those of the worser sorte, thought 
best to use suche meanes for subduing of them as might be w* leaste 
effusion of bloude, and punishement onlie of the heades and capitaines. 
And for this cause, travailing first to cut of 2 their victualles, did 
approche the citie of Norw dl , wiche w*in shorte time he obtained, 
and at the getting of it overthrew a good nombre of the rebelles, by 
w ch meanes he so brideled them and cut of 2 their victualles, as thei 
were faine to live iij daies w* water for drinke, and eate their meat 
w'out bred. Wherupon on Tuisday last, issuing out of their campe 
into a plaine nere adjoyning, thei determinede to fight, and like madd 
and desperat men ranne upon the sworde, where a m* 3 of them being 
slaine, the rest were content to crave their pardon. One Kett a 
tanner, being from the beginning the verie chief doer emonge them 
flede, and the rest of the Eebbelles, casting away their weapons and 
harnese, and asking pardon on their knees w* weeping eies, 4 were by 
my L. of Warwicke dismissede home w*out hurte and pardonede. 
The chief heades, ringleaders, and postes escepted, Kett and iij of his 
britherne 5 w* sundry other chief captaines, all vile persons, were also 
taken, who now remaine in honde to receive that w ch thei have de- 
served. Thus are thies vile wretches that hathe now of a lonnge time 

1 I.e. "large." 2 I.e. "off." 

3 I. e. " mort," " a very great number or quantity." Forty's Vocal, of E. Anglia. 

4 I. e. " eyes." 5 L e _ brethren." 



troublede the realme 5 and as muche as in them laie gone aboute to 
distroye and utterly undowe l the same 5 come to confusion. So that 
we trust verilie that thies traitorous mutinies and rebellion hathe now 
an ende (lauded be god) * * * And thus we bide you hartely well 
to fare. 3 

Special Commission of Oyer and Terminer 
for the trial of the Ketts and others. 

EDWABDUS SEXTTTS Dei gratia Angliae, 
Francis, et Hibernian Eex, Fidei Defen- 
sor, et in terra Ecclesias' Anglicanae et 
Hibernicae Supremum Caput, dilectis et 
fidelibus suis, Eicardo Lyster militi, Ed- 
wardo Mountague militi, Eicardo Cholme- 
ley militi, Edmundo Mervyn militi, 
Willielmo Portman militi, et Johanni 
Hynde militi, Salutem. 

Cum * * Willielmus Kette alias 
dictus Willielmus Knight, nuper de 
Wyndham in comitatu Norff: mercer, 
et Eobertus Kette alias dictus Eobertus 
Knight, nuper de Wyndham in comitatu 
Norff : tanner, coram dilectis et fidelibus 
nostris Edwardo North milite, Johanne 
Baker milite et Eicardo Southwelle milite, 
tribus de Concilio nostro, de diversis al- 
tis proditionibus per prsefatos * * * 
Willielmum Kette et Eobertum Kette 
fieri suppositis examinati per dictos Ed- 
wardum North, Johannem Baker, et Ei- 
cardum Southwell, ac super examinationes 
prasdictas de eisdem proditionibus vehe- 
menter suspecti existunt, et eorum quilibet 


Special Commission of Oyer and Terminerfor 
the Trial of the Ketts and others. 

EDWABD THE SIXTH, by the grace of 
God, King of England, France, and Ireland. 
Defender of the Faith, and on earth of the 
Church of England and Ireland Supreme 
Head, to our beloved and faithful Eichard 
Lyster, Knight; Edward Mountague, Knight; 
Eichard Cholmeley, Knight ; Edmund Mer- 
vyn, Knight ; William Portman, Knight ; 
and John Hynde, Knight ; Greeting : 

WHEEEAS * * "William Kette, other- 
wise called "William Knight, late of Wynd- 
ham, in the county of Norfolk, mercer ; and 
Eobert Kett, otherwise called Eobert Knight, 
late of Wyndham, in the county of Norfolk, 
tanner ; in the presence of our beloved and 
faithful Edward North, Knight ; John Baker, 
Knight ; and Eichard Southwell, Knight, 
three of our Council; concerning various 
high treasons, by the aforesaid * * Wil- 
liam Kette and Eobert Kette supposed to 
have been committed, having been examined 
by the said Edward North, John Baker, and 
Eichard Southwell, and on the aforesaid 
examinations concerning the same treasons 
are, and each one of them is, vehemently 

1 I. e. " undo.' 

2 Harl. MSS. No. 523, fo. 53Z>. Also, Cotton MSS. Galba, B. xii. 



existit, prout ex relatione et testificatione 
prsedictorum Edwardi North, Johannis 
Baker, et Eicardi Southwell in Cancella- 
rio nostro facta accepimus ; Sciatis igitur 
quod Nos de fidelitatibus, industriis, et 
providis circumspectionibus vestris pluri- 
mum confidentes, secundum formam Sta- 
tuti 1 in hujusmodi casu editi et provisi, 
Assignavimus vos vel quatuor vestrum 
Justiciaries nostros ad inquirendum per 
sacramentum proborum et legalium homi- 
num de comitatu nostro Middx. ac aliis 
viis, tnodis, et mediis quibus melius sci- 
veritis aut potueritis tarn infra libertates 
quam extra, per quos rei veritas melius 
sciri poterit, de quibuscunque proditioni- 
bus, mesprisionibus proditionum, et mur- 
deriis, et eorum cujuslibet per ipsos * * 
Willielmum Kette et Eobertum Kettetam 
infra comitatus nostros * * Norff: Suff : 
* * et Essex : quam infra prfedictum 
comitatum Middx. sive infra eorum ali- 
quem qualitercunque habitis, factis, per- 
petratis sive eommissis, Ac de aliis arti- 
culis et circumstantiis prssmissa et eorum 
quodlibet sive eorum aliquod vel aliqua 
qualitercunque concernentibus plenius 
veritatem ; Et ad easdem proditiones et 
alia prsemissa audieudum et terminandum 
secundum legem et eonsuetudinem regni 
nostri Anglise ae juxta formam et effec- 
tum Statuti prsedicti in hujusmodi casu 
editi et provisi ; Et ideo vobis mandamus 
quod ad certos dies infra prsedictum 
comitatum Middx. vos vol quatuor ves- 
trum ad hoc provideritis conveniatia 
apudWest: in praedicto comitatu Middx. 
ac diligenter super prsemissis facias in- 
quisitiones et prsemissa omuia et singula 
audiatis et terminetis, ac ea faciatis et 

suspected, as we have learnt from the rela- 
tion and testimony of the aforesaid Edward 
North, John Baker, and Eichard Southwell, 
delivered into our Court of Chancery : KNOW 
TE, THEEEFOBE, that we, fully confiding in 
your fidelity, industry, and provident circum- 
spection, according to the form of the Statute 
in this case made and provided, have assigned 
you, or four of you, our justices, to inquire 
by oath of honest and lawful men 'of our 
county of Middlesex, and by other ways, 
modes, and means by which you will better 
discover, or may be able to discover more 
fully the truth, as well -within your liberties 
as without, by whom the truth of the affair 
may be better discovered, concerning all 
treasons, misprisions of treason, and mur- 
ders, and of each one of them, by * * 
William Kette and Eobert Kette, as well 
within our counties of * * Norfolk, Suf- 
folk * * and Essex, as also within the 
said county of Middlesex, or within any one 
of them, in any way had, done, perpetrated, 
or committed : And concerning other articles 
and circumstances relating to the prsemises 
or to any one of them, or in any way to any 
or any one of them ; and to hear and deter- 
mine the same treasons and other prsemises 
according to the law and custom of our 
realm of England, and according to the 
form and effect of the aforesaid Statute in this 
case made and provided : AND therefore we 
charge you that on certain days, within the 
aforesaid county of Middlesex, you, or four 
of you, in order to see to this, meet at West- 
minster, in the aforesaid county of Middlesex, 
and hear and determine diligently the inqui- 
sitions made upon the prsemises, and all 
and every the prsemises; and do and com- 
plete them in the form aforesaid, doing 

1 25 Edward III. St. 5, c. 2. 



expleatis in forma prsedicta, facturi inde 
quod ad justitiam pertinet secundum 
legem et consuetudinem regni nostri 
Anglian ac Statuti prsedicti in hujusmodi 
casu editi et provisi ; Salvis nobis amer- 
ciamentis et aliis ad nos inde spectanti- 
bus ; Mandamus autem tenore prsesen- 
tium Vicecomiti nostro Middx. quod ad 
certos dies quos vos vel quatuor vestrum 
ei scire feceritis, venire faceret coram 
vobis vel quatuor vestrum tot et tales 
probos et legales homines de balliva sua 
tarn infra libertates quam extra, per quos 
rei veritas in prsemissis melius sciri po- 
terit, et inquiri. In cujus rei testimo- 
nium has literas nostras fieri fecimus 

Teste meipso apud West : xxiii . die 
Novernb : anno regni nostri tertio. 1 

therein what belongs to justice, according to 
the law and custom of our realm of England, 
and the aforesaid Statute in this case made 
and provided, our fines and other things to 
us belonging boing secured to us : We fur- 
ther charge, by the tenor of these presents, 
our Sheriff of Middlesex, that on certain 
days which you, or four of you, shall have 
caused him to know of, he bring before you, 
or four of you, so many honest and lawful 
men of his bailiwick, as well within the 
liberties as without, by whom the truth of 
the matter in the premises may be the 
better known and inquired into. 

In testimony of which we have caused 
these our letters patent to be issued. 

Witness myself, at Westminster, Novem- 
ber 23rd, in the 3rd. year of our reign. 

The great seal is attached to the above, but partly broken. 


As the " Justices' Precept to the Sheriff for the return of the 
Grand Jury at "Westminster on the Tuesday next after the Quinzaine 
of St. Martin " is merely a legal document in the usual form, I have 
not thought it necessary to give it : to the above the panel is annexed, 
from which it appears that the following were chosen to serve on 
the jury : 






1 From the " Baga de Secretis," formerly kept in the Stone Tower at Westminster, 
but now at the Record Office, Fetter Lane, Pouch xvii. membr. 12. 

2 F 








25th November, 3rd Edward VI. 

Precept addressed by the Justices to the Constable of the Tower, 
commanding him to bring up the bodies of the after-mentioned, 
* Robert Kette and "William Kette at Westminster, 

on the Tuesday next after the Quinzaine of St. Martin. 


EICARDUS LTSTEE, Miles, et socii sui 
Justiciarii Domini Eegis ad inquirendum 
per sacramentum proborum et legaliuin 
hominum de dicto comifcatu Middx. per 
quos rei veritaa melius sciri poterit, de qui- 
buscunque proditionibus, mesprisionibus 
proditionum, murderiis, et aliia articulis et 
offensia in quibusdam literis Domini Eegis 
patentibua inde specificatis ; Et ad hujus- 
modi proditiones, mesprisiones proditi- 
onum, rebellionea, insurrectiones, feloniaa, 
et murderias, et alioa articuloa et offensas 
audiendum et terminandum aecundum 
legem et consuetudinem regni Domini 
regis Angliee aasignati, Constabulario 
Turris Domini regis Londonise, seu suia 
locum tenentibua ibidem, Salutem : 

Ex parte DominiBegis vobis prfficipimus 
quod corpora * * Eoberti Kete de 
Wyndham in comitatu Norff. tanner, et 
Willielmi Kete, mercer, in priaona Domini 


EICHAHD LTSTEE, Knight, and his fellow 
Justices of our Lord the King, having been 
appointed to inquire on oath of honest and 
lawful men of the said county of Middlesex, 
by whom the truth of the matter may be 
the better known, into all treasons, mis- 
prisions of treasons, murders, and other 
articles and offences specified in certain let- 
ters patent of our Lord the King ; And to 
hear and determine treasons of thia kind, 
misprisions of treasons, rebellions, insurrec- 
tions, felonies, and murders, and other articles 
and offences, according to the law and custom 
of the realm of our Lord the King of England, 
to the Constable of the Tower of our Lord 
the King, of London, or those supplying his 
place there, Greeting : 

On the part of our Lord the King we 
charge you to bring the bodies * * of 
Eobert Kete, of Wyndham, in the county of 
Norfolk, tanner, and William Kete, mercer, 

1 J. e. " Miles.' 

2 From the Baga de Secretis, Pouch xvii. 



Eegis sub custodia vestra detenta, habea- 
tis coram nobis apud West : die Martis 
proximo post XV. (quindenas) Sancti 
Martini ad horam octavam ante meridiem 
ejusdem diei, ad subjiciendum et recipien- 
dum ea qme Curia Domini Eegis tune 
et ibidem coram nobis injungentur. Et 
habeatis tune hoc prseceptum. 

Dat : apud Westmystre XXV. die No- 
vemb : anno regni Edwardi sexti Dei 
gratia Anglise, Francise, et Hibernian Eegis, 
Fidei Defensoris, et in terra EcclesisB 
Anglican et Hibernicse Supremum Caput 
tertio. J. WHYTE. 

(Signed) Eic. LTSTEE. 1 

in the prison of our Lord the King, under 
your custody detained, before us at West- 
minster, on the Tuesday next after the 
Quinzaine of St. Martin, at 8 in the morning 
of the same day, to undergo and receive 
those things which by the Court of our Lord 
the King, then and there before us, shall 
be enjoined ; And bring with you this 

Given at Westminster, November 25th, in 
the 3rd. year of Edward VI., by the grace oi' 
God King of England, France, and Ireland, 
Defender of the Faith, and on earth of the 
Church of England and Ireland Supreme 
Head. J. WHYTE. 

(Signed) Eic. LTSTER. 

On the back of the above is the following : 

Ante adventum istius preecepti michi 
[i. e. mihi] directi infra nominati * * 
Eobertus Kete et Willielmus Kete michi 
commissi fuerunt per Consilium Domini 
Eegis salvo custodi; corpora tamenipsorum 

* * Eoberti et Willielmi ad diem et 
locum infra contentum parata habeo prout 
interius michi prsecipitur. 

Also : 

JOHANNES GAGE, Miles, Constabular 
Turris infra scriptse. 

Before the coming of this precept directed 
to me, the within-named * * Eobert Kete 
and William Kete were committed to me for 
safe keeping by the Council of our Lord the 
King : the bodies, however, of * * Eobert 
and William, on the day and at the place 
within contained, I have produced, as within 
I am required to do. 

JOHN GAGE, Knight, Constable of the 
Tower within named. 

1 From the " Baga de Secretis," Pouch xvii. membrana 4. 

2 F 2 




Indictment found against Robert Kete. 


INQUIEATUB pro Domino Regequod cum 
in Parhamento Domini Edwardi nuper 
Regis Anglise tertii, progenitoris Domini 
Regis nunc, anno vicesimo quinto regni 
sui, inter alia ordinatum et declaration 
existit, Quod quum aliquis compasseret 
vel imaginatus fuerit mortem Domini 
Regis, vel si quis levaverit guerram versus 
Dominuin Regem infra regnum suum, aut 
sit adhserens inimicis Domini Regis in 
regno suo, vel eis daret auxilium aut com- 
fortamentum infra regnum suum seu alibi, 
et inde probabiliter sit attinctus de aperto 
facto per gentes suaa conditionis, quod in 
praedictis casibus adjudicari debet prae- 
dictis, prout in eodem Statute plenius 
continetur ' Quidam tamen Robertus, 
cognomento Kete nuper de Wyudham in 
comitatu Norff: tanner, aliter dictus Ro- 
bertus Knight nuper de Wyndham in dicto 
comitatu Norff: tanner, Deum prae oculis 
suis non habens, sed instigatione diabo- 
lica seductus, et debitam legianciam suam 
minime ponderans, Ac etiam ut felonious 
et maliciosus proditor et inimicus pub- 
licus praepotentissimo et serenissimo 
Domino nostro Edwardo sexto, Dei gratia 
Angliae, Francise, et HiberniaB Regi, Eidei 
Defensori, et in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanaa 
et Hibernicae Supremo Capiti, felonice, 
maliciose et proditorie intendens et ma- 
chinans, cordialem dilectionem et obedi- 
entiam, quas omnes reri et fideles subditi 


INQUIRY is to be made for our Lord the 
King that Whereas, in the Parliament of our 
Lord, Edward theThird, late King of England, 
progenitor of our Lord the King that now 
is, in the 25th. year of his reign, amongst 
other things it is ordained and declared, That 
when any one hath compassed or imagined 
the death of our Lord the King, or if any 
one hath levied war against our Lord the 
King, in his realm, or be adherent to the 
enemies of our Lord the King in his realm, 
or give to them aid or comfort within his 
realm or elsewhere ; and thereof be proveably 
attainted of open deed by their peers, which 
in the aforesaid cases has to be determined 
by the aforesaid, as in the same Statute more 
fully is contained: Notwithstanding, one 
Robert surnamed Kete, late of Wyndham, 
in the county of Norfolk, tanner, otherwise 
called Robert Knight, late of Wyndham, in 
the said county of Norfolk, tanner, not 
having God before his eyes, but seduced by 
diabolical instigation, and not weighing his 
due allegiance; And also as a feloniousand ma- 
licious traitor, and public enemy, against our 
most mighty and serene Lord, Edward Vlth., 
by the grace of God King of England, 
Erance, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, 
and on earth of the Church of England and 
Ireland Supreme Head, feloniously, malici- 
ously, and traitorously intending and plotting 
utterly to destroy and annihilate that hearty 
love and obedience which all true and faith- 

1 25 Edward III. St. 5, c. 2. 



dicti Domini Regis nunc hujus regni sui 
Anglise in eundem Domiuum Eegem ge- 
runt et de jure gerere tenentur, penitus 
extinguere et adnichilare, ac seditionem, 
rebellionem, insurrectionemque inter eun- 
dem Dominum Begem et ejusdem Domini 
Regis fideles subditos generare, ac eundem 
Dominum Eegem de dignitate, honoribus, 
et praeeminenciis suis regiis deprivare, 
Et ad dictam ejus felonicam et prodito- 
riam intentionem et nefanda proposita 
perficienda et perimplenda, ad periculum 
dicti Domini Regis nunc, et subversionem 
hujus regni sui Anglise pro posse suo 
contra legianciam suam debitam, vicesimo 
die Julii anno regni Edwardi sexti, Dei 
gratia Angliae, Francise et Hibernias Regis, 
Fidei Defensoris, et in terra Ecclesiae An- 
glicanse et Hibernicse Supremi Capitis 
tertio, et continue post dictum vicesimum 
diem Julii, per sex septimanas tune prox- 
ime sequentes, apud Mousholde hethe, in 
parochia de Thorpe, juxta Norwych, in 
comitatu Norff. et apud diversa alia loca 
in dicto comitatu Norff., per proditorias 
proclamationes, hutesia, et campanarum 
pulsationes factas adhserentibus et con- 
gregatis ei illicite et proditorie quamplu- 
ribus malefactoribus ad numeruin viginti 
mille personarum, tanquam feloni, prodi- 
tores, inimici et rebellatores publici dicto 
metuendissirno et excellentissimo Domino 
Regi nunc Edwardo sexto, ex eorum 
unanimo et proditorio assensu et con- 
sensu, cum vexillis explicatis, gladiis, 
Bcutis, baculis, tormentis, haubertis, lan- 
ceis, arcubus, sagittis, loricis, tunicis de- 
fensibilibus, capis, pileis ferreis, et aliis 
armis defensivis et invasivis modo guerrino 
armati et arriati proditorie insurrexerunt 
et guerram levaverunt versus eundem 
Dominum Regem nunc, Ac nonnulla 
ecripta et billas ad tune et ibidem scribi 

ful subjects of our said Lord the King that 
now is of this his realm of England, bear 
and are rightly held to bear towards the same 
our Lord the King : and to excite sedition, 
rebellion, and insurrection between the same 
our Lord the King and his faithful subjects ; 
and to deprive the same our Lord the King 
of his dignity, honours, and pre-eminences ; 
And in order to perfect and accomplish his 
said felonious and traitorous intention and 
wicked purposes, to the peril of our said 
Lord the King that now is, and the subver- 
sion of this his realm of England, according 
to his power, contrary to his due allegiance, 
on the 20th. day of July, in the 3rd. year of 
the reign of Edward Vlth., by the grace of 
God, King of England, France, and Ireland, 
Defender of the Faith, and on earth of the 
Church of England and Ireland Supreme 
Head ; and continuously, after the said 20th. 
day of July for six weeks then next ensuing, 
on " Mousholde hethe," in the parish of 
Thorpe, near Norwich, in the county of Nor- 
folk, and at divers other places in the said 
county of Norfolk, by traitorous proclama- 
tions, hue and cry, and the ringing of bells, 
very many malefactors being adherent and 
collecting to him to the number of twenty 
thousand ; [He and they] did, as felons, 
traitors, enemies, and public rebels against 
our said most dread and excellent Lord the 
King that now is, Edward Vlth., of their 
unanimous assent and consent, with banners 
unfurled, swords, shields, clubs, cannon, hal- 
berts, lances, bows, arrows, breast-plates, 
coats of mail, caps, helmets, and other arms 
offensive and defensive, armed and arrayed in 
warlike manner, traitorously make an insur- 
rection and levy war against the same our 
Lord the King that now is : And he traitor- 
ously caused some writings and bills then 
and there to be written and subscribed, as 
well to excite and procure the lieges of our 



et subscribi fecit tarn ad commovendura 
et procurandum legios dicti Domini Eegis 
in dicto comitatu Norff. ad apertam guer- 
ram levandam versus eundem Dominum 
Eegem quam ad veros subditos dicti Do- 
mini Eegis deprivandum et spoliandum. 

Et prasdictus Eobertus Kete, cum prse- 
dictis proditoribus et rebellatoribus, per 
totum ilium vicesimum diem Julii et per 
sex septimanas tune proxime sequentes, 
ad proditoriam intentionem suam preedic- 
tam perimplendam, se ipsos insimul apud 
Mousholde hethe preedictum, in com. 
Norff. prsedicto, et apud diversa alia loca 
in eodem comitatu Norff., vi et armis 
prsedictis proditorie assemblaverunt, con- 
foederaverunt et inter se conspiraverunt 
populum dicti Domini Eegis mine hujus 
regni sui Anglise per guerram et modo 
guerrino destruere, Ac quamplurimos 
fideles subditos dicti Domini Eegis nunc, 
videlicet, milites, armigeros, et generosos 
homines de dicto comitatu Norff. apud 
Mount Surrey, in dicto comitatu Norff. 
felonice et proditorie imprisonaverunt et 
in prisona ilia per magnum tempus felo- 
nice et proditorie detinuerunt, clamando, 
vociferando in his Anglicanis verbis 

Kyll the Gentlemen, 1 
Ac quamplurimos fideles subditos dicti 
Domini Eegis nunc in dicto comitatu 
Norff. de bonis et catallis suis, eodem 
vicesiino die Julii, et per dictas sex septi- 
manas tune proxime sequentes, proditorie 
spoliaverunt et victuallia quaecunque a 
legiis dicti Domini Eegis in eodem co- 
mitatu Norff. vi et armis et proditorie 
ceperunt et asportaverunt ; Ac etiam 

said Lord the King in the said county of 
Norfolk, to levy open war against the same 
our Lord the King ; as also to rob and spoil 
the true and faithful subjects of the said our 
Lord the King. And the aforesaid Eobert 
Kett, with the aforesaid traitors and rebels, 
during all that 20th. day of July, and the six 
weeks then next ensuing, to carry out their 
traitorous intention aforesaid, together on 
" Mousholde hethe" aforesaid, in the county 
of Norfolk aforesaid, and in divers other 
places in the same county of Norfolk, with 
the aforesaid force of arms, assembled them- 
selves, confederated and conspired together, 
by war and in warlike manner to destroy the 
people of our said Lord the King that now is 
of this his realm of England : And very 
many faithful subjects of our said Lord the 
King that now is, viz. knights, esquires, 
and gentlemen of the said county of Norfolk, 
at Mount Surrey,in thesaid county of Norfolk, 
did they feloniously and traitorously im- 
prison ; and in that prison for a long time 
feloniously and traitorously detain them, 
crying and shouting out with these words in 

Kyll the Gentlemen, 

And very many faithful subjects of our said 
Lord the King that now is, in the same 
county of Norfolk, did they traitorously 
despoil of their goods and chattels, the same 
20th. day of July and during the said six 
weeks then next ensuing ; and by force of 
arms did they traitorously take and carry 
them off; And very many faithful subjects 
of our said Lord the King that now is, who 
were under the rule and conduct of the most 
noble John Earl of Warwick, who was ap- 

1 Extract from Baga de Secretis (Pouch xvii. membr. 9), relating to the Devonshire 
Eising ; " Kyll the gentlemen and we wyll have the acte of six articles uppe again and 
ceremonies as were in Kinge Henry the Eights tyme." 



quainplurimos fideles subditos dicti Do- 
mini Regis nunc sub regimine et conduc- 
cione proenobilis Johannis comitia de 
Warwic, locum tenentis dicti Domini 
Regis, in dicto comitatu Norff. ad dictos 
Eobertum Kete et proditores prsedictos 
vi et armis subigendum, vinciendum, et 
corripiendum, apud Dussingesdale in 
parochiis de Thorpe et Sprowston, in dicto 
comitatu Norff., vicesimo septimo die 
Augusti, dicto anno tertio dicti Domini 
Eegis nunc, in dicto comitatu Norff., cum 
vexillis explicatis felonice et proditorie in 
aperto bello murderaverunt et interfece- 
runt ; Et idem Robertus Kete et alii dicti 
proditores, dicto vicesimo septimo die 
Augusti, Deo favente, per Ducem praeno- 
bilem Comitem "Warwic et alios fideles 
subditos ejusdem Domini Regis, ad tune 
et ibidem sub conduccione ejusdem Comi- 
tis Warwic existentes, honorifice fuere sub- 
jugati et convicti; Et super iude idem 
Robertus Kete, ut felonious proditor dicti 
Domini Regis, a bello et loco prsedictis, 
iisdem die et anno felonice et proditorie 
se elongavit usque et versus Cawson, in 
dicto comitatu Norff., et ibidem captus 
et arrestatus fuit per legios dicti Domini 
Regis, pro nefandis proditionibus suis 
praedictis contra legianciam suam debitam 
ac contra pacem dicti Domini Regis, 
coronam et dignitates suas ac contra for- 
mam Statuti in hujusmodi casu nuper 
editi et provisi. 1 

(Endorsed) Billa vera. 

pointed Lieutenant of our said Lord the 
King to subdue, bind, and seize the said 
Robert Kete and the traitors aforesaid, did 
they at Dussingesdale, in the parishes of 
Thorpe and Sprowston, in the said county 
of Norfolk, on the 27th. day of August, in the 
said third year of our said Lord the King 
that now is, in the said county of Norfolk, 
with banners unfurled, feloniously and trai- 
torously murder and slay : And the same 
Robert Kete, and the other said traitors, on 
the said 27th. day of August, by the favour 
of God, were, by the General, the most noble 
Earl of Warwick, and by other faithful sub- 
jects of the same our Lord the King then 
and there under the conduct of the same 
Earl of Warwick, honourably subdued and 
conquered : And thereupon the same Robert 
Kete, as a felonious traitor of our said Lord 
the King, did from the battle and place afore- 
said, the same day and year, feloniously and 
traitorously betake himself as far as, and 
towards, Cawson, 2 in the said county of 
Norfolk, and was there taken and arrested 
by the lieges of our said Lord the King, for 
his wicked treasons aforesaid, against his due 
allegiance, and against the peace of our said 
Lord the King, his crown and dignity ; and 
against the form of the Statute in this case 
lately made and provided. 
(Endorsed) True bill. 

Baga de SecretiB, Pouch xvii. membr. 6. 

Or rather " Swannington." 




Indictment found against JFilliam Kete. 


JtiEATi prsesentant pro Domino Eege, 
quod cum in Parliamento Domini Edwardi 
nuper Eegis Anglian tertii, progenitoris 
Domini Eegis nunc, anno regni sui vice- 
simo quinto, inter alia ordinatum et decla- 
ratum existit, Quod quum aliquis cotn- 
passeret vel imaginatus fuerit mortem 
Domini Eegis, vel si quia levaverit guer- 
ram versus Dominum Eegem infra regnum 
suum, aut sit adhsarens inimicis Domini 
Eegis in regno suo, vel eis daret auxilium 
aut comfortamentum infra regnum suum 
seu alibi, et inde probabiliter sit attinctus 
de aperto facto per gentes suae conditionis, 
quod in prsedictis casibus adjudicari debet 
prsedictis, prout in eodem Statute plenius 
continetur : Quidam tamen "Willielmus 
cognomento Kete, nuper de Wyndham, 
in comitatu Norff. mercer, alias Willielmus 
Knyght de "Wyndham, in comitatu Norff. 
prsedicto, mercer, Deum prse oculis suis 
non habens, sed instigatione diabolica 
seductus, et debitam legianciam suam 
minime ponderans, ac etiam ut felonicus 
et maliciosus proditor et inimicus publicus 
prsepotentissimo et serenissimo Domino 
nostro Edwardo sexto, Dei gratia Anglise, 
Francise, et Hibernia? Eegi, Fidei Defen- 
sori, et in terra Ecclesia? Anglicanae et 
Hibernicffi Supremo Capiti, felonice, ma- 
liciose, et proditorie intendens et machi- 
nans,cordialem dilectionemetobedientiam, 
quas omnes veri et fideles subditi dicti 
Domini Eegis nunc hujua regni sui Angliaa 
in eundem Dominum Eegem gerunt et 
de jure gerere tenentur, penitus extin- 
guere et adnichilare, ac seditionem, rebel- 


THE JTIEOBS for our Lord the King present 
that, Whereas, in the Parliament of our Lord, 
Edward the Third, late King of England, 
progenitor of our Lord the King that now is, 
in the 25th. year of his reign, amongst other 
things it is ordained and declared, That when 
any one hath compassed or imagined the 
death of our Lord the King, or if any one 
hath levied war against our Lord the King 
in his realm, or be adherent to the enemies 
of our Lord the King in his realm, or give to 
them aid or comfort within his realm or else- 
where ; and thereof be proveably attainted of 
open deed by their peers, which in the afore- 
said cases has to be determined by the afore- 
said, as in the same Statute more fully is 
contained : Notwithstanding, one William, 
surnamed Kete, late of Wyndham, in the 
county of Norfolk, mercer, otherwise William 
Knyght, of Wyndham, in the county of 
Norfolk aforesaid, mercer, not having God 
before his eyes, but seduced by diabolical 
instigation, and not weighing his due allegi- 
ance ; And also as a felonious, and malicious 
traitor, and public enemy against our most 
mighty and serene Lord, Edward Vlth, by the 
grace of God King of England, France, and 
Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and on earth 
of the Church of England and Ireland 
Supreme Head, feloniously, maliciously, and 
traitorously intending and plotting utterly 
to destroy and annihilate that hearty love 
and obedience which all true and faithful 
subjects of our said Lord the King that now 
is of this his realm of England, bear, and are 
rightly held to bear, towards the same our 
Lord the King ; And to excite sedition, 



lionem, insurrectionemque inter eundem 
Dominum Regem et ejusdem Domini 
Regis fideles subditos generare ; Et ad 
dicta ejus felonicatn, maliciosam et pro- 
ditoriam intentionem et nefanda proposita 
perficienda et perimplenda, ad periculum 
dicti Domini Eegis nunc et subversionem 
hujua regni sui Angliae pro posse suo, 
contra legianciam suam debitam, decimo 
sexto die Augusti, anno regni Edwardi 
sexti Dei gratia Angliae, Francise, et 
Hibernise Regis, Fidei Defensoris, et in 
terra Ecclesiaa Anglicanse et Hibernicse 
Supremi Capitis tertio, et per duos dies 
tune proxime sequeutes, apud Mount- 
surrey, in parochia de Thorpe juxta Nor- 
wych, in dicto comitatu Norff. et apud 
diversa alia loca infra comitatum pradic- 
tum, per proditorias proclamationea ac 
hutesia facta adhaerentibus et congregatis 
ei illicite et proditorie Roberto Kete et 
quampluribus malefactoribus ibidem ad 
numerum viginti mille personarum tan- 
quam felonici proditores, inimici, et rebel- 
latores publici dicto metuendissimo et 
sexto, ex eorum unanimo et proditorio 
assensu-et consensu.cum vexillis explicatis, 
gladiis, scutis, baculis,tormentis,liaubertis, 
lanceis, arcubus, sagittis, loricis, tunicis 
defensibilibus, capis, pileis ferreis, et aliis 
armis defensivis et invasivis modo guerrino 
armati et arriati, felonice et proditorie 
insurrexerunt, et guerram levaverunt 
versus eundem Dominum Regem nunc, 
et per totum ilium decimum sextum diem 
Augusti et dictos duos dies tune proxime 
sequentes, ad proditoriam intentionem 
suam praedictam perimplendam, se ipsum 
cum praedicto Roberto et aliis proditoribus 
et rebellatoribus insimul apud Mount- 
surrey praedictum et alibi in dicto comitatu 
Norff. vi et armis prsedictis et proditorie 

rebellion, and insurrection between the same 
our Lord the King and his faithful subjects ; 
And in order to perfect and accomplish his 
said felonious, malicious, and traitorous in- 
tention, and wicked purposes, to the peril of 
our said Lord the King that now is, and the 
subversion of this his realm of England, ac- 
cording to his power, against his due allegi- 
ance, did, on the 16th. day of August, in the 
3rd. year of the reign of Edward Vlth., by the 
grace of God King of England, France, and 
Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and on earth 
of the Church of England and Ireland 
Supreme Head, and on the two days then 
next ensuing, at Mount Surrey, in the parish 
of Thorpe, near Norwich, in the said county 
of Norfolk, and at divers other places within 
the county aforesaid, by traitorous proclama- 
tions, and hue and cry, there being adherent 
and gathered to him, unlawfully and traitor- 
ously, Robert Kett and very many male- 
factors there, to the number of 20,000 per- 
sons, as felonious traitors, enemies, and 
public rebels against our said most dread 
and excellent Lord the King that now is, 
Edward Vlth., of their unanimousand traitor- 
ous assent and consent, with banners un- 
furled, swords, shields, clubs,cannon, halberts, 
lances, bows, arrows, breast-plates, coats of 
mail, caps, helmets, and other arms offensive 
and defensive, in warlike manner armed and 
arrayed, feloniously and traitorously make an 
insurrection and levy war against our same 
Lord the King that now is ; and throughout 
the whole of that 16th. day of August, and the 
said two days then next ensuing, in order to 
accomplish their traitorous design aforesaid, 
did himself, with the aforesaid Robert and 
other traitors and rebels, at Mount Surrey 
aforesaid, and elsewhere in the county of 
Norfolk, with force of arms aforesaid, traitor- 
ously assemble, confederate, and conspire 
together, by war and in warlike manner, to 
2 G 



assemblavit, confcederavit et conspiravit 
populum dicti Domini Eegis nunc hujus 
regni sui Anglise per guerram et modo 
guerrino destruere ; Et ulterius Jurati 
praedicti prfesentant quod prsedictus Wil- 
lielmus Kete, vieesimo die August! dicto 
anno tertio dicti Domini Eegis nunc apud 
Moushold hethe, in parochia de Thorpe 
pnedicta, in dicto comitatu Norff. felonice 
et proditorie dedit eidcm Eoberto Kete et 
dictis aliis proditoribus ad tune et ibidem 
existentibus, comfortarnentum, auxilium et 
consilium in proditoriis et nefandis pro- 
positis suis, et guerra levanda versus 
eundem Dominum Eegem, contra legian- 
ciam suam debitarn ac contra paceni dicti 
Domini Eegis nunc, coronani et dignita- 
tem suam, ac contra formam Statuti in 
hujusmodi casu nuper editi et provisi. 
(Endorsed) Billa vera. 

destroy the people of our said Lord the King 
that now is of this his realm of England: And 
further, the Jurors aforesaid present that the 
aforesaid William Kete, on the 20th. day of 
August, in the said 3rd. year of our said Lord 
the King that now is, on "Moushold hethe," 
in the parish of Thorpe aforesaid, in the said 
county of Norfolk, did feloniously and traitor- 
ously give to the same Eobert Kete and the 
said other traitors, then and there being, 
comfort, aid, and counsel in their traitorous 
and wicked designs, and in levying war 
against our same Lord the King, against his 
due allegiance, and against the peace of our 
said Lord the King that now is, his crown 
and dignity, and against the form of the 
Statute in this case lately made and pro- 

(Endorsed) True bill. 

Et inodo scilicet eodem die Martis, anno 
tercio supradicto, apud \Vestm. in com. 
Midd. corana prasf'atis Commissionariis 
venerunt praedicti * * Eobtus Kete 
and Wills. Kete, per Johannem Gage, 
militem, Constabular. Turris London., in 
cujus custodia prsantea ex causis prse- 
dictis, per Consilium dicti Domini Eegis 
commissi fuerunt, et per mandatum ipsius 
Domini Eegis ad barr. hie ducti in pro- 
priis personis suis ; Et statim de prasmissis 
eis superius separating impositis allocuti 
qualiter se velint inde acquietari, dicunt 
quod ipsi non possunt dedicere quin ipsi, 
et eorum quilibet, de prsemissis eis separa- 
tim superius impositis sunt inde culpa- 
biles, prout per separalia indictamenta 
prsedicta superius supponitur : Et inde 


And then to wit, on the same Tuesday, in 
the 3rd. year above mentioned, at Westmin- 
ster, in the county of Middlesex, before the 
aforesaid commissioners, came the aforesaid 
* * Eobert Kete and William Kete, being 
brought up by John Gage, knight, Constable 
of the Tower of London, into whose custody 
they had previously, for the causes aforesaid, 
by the Council of our said Lord the King, 
been committed ; And by the command of 
our Lord the King having been brought 
hither to the bar in their own persons ; And 
been straightway, concerning the prsemises 
above severally laid to their charge, asked 
how they would be acquitted thereof, say 
that they cannot gainsay but that they them- 
selves, and each of them, concerning the 
premises above severally laid to their charge 



ponunt se, et quilibet eorum ponit se, in 
miaericordiam Domini Eegis ; Super quo 
instantes servientes Domini Eegis ad 
legem, ac ipsius Eegis attornatus juxta 
debitam legis formam pecierunt l versus 
praefatos * * Eobtum Kete, et Willm. 
Kete super separates cognicionea suas 
proprias in hac parte factaa judicium et 
execucionem superinde prssdicto Domino 
Eege habendum : Et super hoc visis, et per 
Curiam his intellectis omnibus singulis 
pramissis consideratum est quod prsedicti 
* * Eobtus Kete et Willm. Kete du- 
cantur per prasfatum Constabular. Turria 
London, uaque dictum Turrim : Et deinde 
per medium civitatis London, directi usque 
ad furcas de Tyborne trahantur, et super 
furcaa suspendantur, et viventes ad terrain 
prosternantur et interiora cujuslibet eorum 
extra ventres BUGS capiantur, ipsiaque 
viventibus comburantur, et capita eorum 
amputentur ; quodque corpora eorum in 
quatuor partes dividantur : Et quod capita 
etquarteria cujuslibet eorum ponanturubi 
Dominus Eex ea assignare voluerit, Ac. 2 

are GUILTY thereof, as is alleged above by 
the aforesaid several indictments ; and there- 
upon they, and each one of them, throw them- 
selves on the King's mercy : "Whereupon 
the King's serjeants-at-law and the King's 
attorney, straightway, according to due form 
of law, sought against the aforesaid * * 
Eobert Kete and William Kete, on their 
own several recognizances in this part made, 
JUDGMENT and EXECUTION thereupon to be 
had for our said Lord the King : and there- 
upon all and every the praemises having 
been seen and taken knowledge of by the 
Court, It waa determined that the aforesaid 
* * Eoberte Kete and William Kete 3 
be led by the aforesaid constable of the 
Tower as far as to the said Tower, and from 
thence be drawn through the midst of the 
city of London straight to the gallows at 
Tyburn, and on that gallows be hanged, and 
while yet alive, that they be cast on the 
ground, and the entrails of each one of them 
be taken out and burnt before them, while 
yet alive, and their heads be cut off, and 
their bodies divided into four parts ; And 
that the heada and quarters of each of them 
be placed where our Lord the King shall 
appoint, &c. 

1 /. e. " petierunt." 

2 Baga de Secretis, Pouch xvii. : conclusion of the " Eecord of the Session of Oyer 
and Terminer," &c., membr. 3. 

3 There being four other names mentioned in the original (viz., Humphrey Arundel 
and others, connected with the Devonshire Eising), T r et S 8 , i. e. "tractus et suspensus," 
" drawn and hanged," is repeated in the margin six times. 

2 G 2 




Inquisitio post mortem Roberti Kett. 

Liberatum fuit Cur. quinto die February 
anno regni Regis Edwardi sexti quarto, 
per man us Escaetoris. 

INQUISICIO indeutat. capt. apud Nor- 
wicum in le Shirehous in com. prsedicto, 
terciodecimo die Januarij, anno regni Ed- 
wardi sexti, Dei gratia Anglise, Francia;, 
et Hibernia3 Eegis, Fidei Defensoris, et 
in terra Ecclesise Anglicanse et Hibernicse 
Supremi Capitis tercio, coram Henrico 
Mynne, armigero, Escaetore dicti Domini 
Eegis in corn, prsedicto virtute officii sui, 
post mortem Eoberti Knyght, alias Kett, 
nuper dum vixit de Wymondham in com. 
prsedicto, tanner, per sacramentum Eoberti 
Pannell gent., Johannis Downes gent., 
Johannis Goffe gent., Johannis Parker, 
Georgij Series, Eoberti Brend, Johannis 
Bowde, Nicholi Hirne, Edwardi Wright, 
Johannis Flowerdew, Eicardi Sewell, Ei- 
cardi Pede, Johannis Fawcett, Johannis 
Petynghale, Eoberti Kyng, et Thomas 
Norton ; Qui dicunt, super sacramentum 
suum, quod prsedietus Knyght, alias Kett, 
de Wymondham in com. prsedicto, tanner, 
per nomen Eoberti Kett, alias dicti Eo- 
berti Knyght, de alta prodicione et guerra 
levanda versus dictum Dominum Eegem 
per ipsum Eobertum, apud Musholde 
hethe, in parochiis de Sprowston et Thorpe 
juxta Norwicum, in com. Norff., vicesimo 
die Julii anno regni dicti Domini nostri 
Eegis nunc Edwardi sexti tertio, tune et 
ibidem continuata post dictum vicesimum 

Done in Court the 5th. day of February, 
in the 4th. year of the reign of Edward 
Vlth., by the hands of the Escheator. 

INQUISITION indented taken at Norwich 
in the shirehouse, in the aforesaid county, 1 
13th. of January, in the 3rd. year of the 
reign of Edward Vlth., by the grace of God 
King of England, France, and Ireland, De- 
fender of the Faith, and on earth of the 
Church of England and Ireland Supreme 
Head; in the presence of Henry Mynne, 
Esq., escheator of our said Lord the King ; 
in the county aforesaid, by virtue of his 
office, after the death of Eobert Knyght, 
alias Kett, late, while he lived, of Wymond- 
ham, in the aforesaid county, tanner ; on the 
oath of Eobert Pannell, gent. ; John Downes, 
gent. ; John Goffe, gent. ; John Parker, 
George Series, Eobert Brend, John Bowde, 
Nicholas Hirne, Edward Wright, John 
Flowerdew, Eichard Sewell, Eichard Pede, 
John Fawcett, John Petynghale, Eobert 
Kyng, and Thomas Norton ; Who say, on 
their oath, that the aforesaid Kuyght, other- 
wise Kett, of Wymondham, in the aforesaid 
county, tanner, by the name of Eobert Kett, 
otherwise called Eobert Knyght, was accused 
and indicted of high treason, and of levying 
war against our said Lord the King, by 
Eobert himself on " Musholde hethe," in the 
parishes of Sprowston and of Thorpe near 
Norwich, in the county of Norfolk, on the 
20th. day of July, in the 3rd. year of the 
reign of our said King that now is, Edward 

1 The county has not, however, previously been mentioned. 



diem Julii per sex septimanas tune prox- 
imo sequentes impetitus et indictatus fuit ; 
Qui quidem Eobertus dictus indictatus 
vicesimo sexto die Novembris, anno regni 
praadicti Domini Eegis nunc tertio, apud 
Westm. in Curia Dom. Eegis eoram Eic. 
Lyster, milite, capitali Justiciario Dom. 
Regis de Banco, et Edwardo Mountague, 
milite, capitali Justiciario dicti Domini 
Eegis de Communi Banco, et aliis Justici- 
ariis et Commissionariis ipsius Domini 
Eegis, ad audiendum et terminandum 
assignatis, altas prodiciones, felonias, mur- 
derias et alias offensiones contra eundem 
Dominum Begem, coronam et dignitatem 
suam commissas, arriatus fuit super Indie- 
tamentum praedictum, et de alta prodicione 
proedicta, in eodem Indictamento expressa, 
dictus Eobertus ad tune vicesimo sexto 
die Novembris exactus, et inde rogatus in 
Curia praadicta, coram Justiciariis prsedic- 
tis, quod dicere sciat ad Indictamentum 
prsedictum, qui Indictamentum illud dedi- 
cere non potuit, sed Indictamentum prse- 
dictum et omnia in ilia contenta in Curia 
prsedicta coram Justiciariis praedictw, ex 
mera et spontanea voluntate sua, tune et 
ibidem fore vera cognovit, et ipsum inde 
fore culpabilem factum ; per quod conside- 
ratum et adjudicatum fuit in Curia ilia per 
Justiciaries prsedictos, quod praedictus 
Eobertus Kett, secundum legem et con- 
suetudinera regni Anglise, traheretur ad 
locum executionis, et quod ipse ibidem 
suspendatur, et vivens a crucibus capiatur, 
quodque interellaa et membra sua a cor- 
pore suo scindantur et amoveantur, et in 
ignem coram ipso Eoberto comburantur, 
ac quod caput et corpus dicti Eoberti 
Kett in quinque partes dividantur, ad 
ponendum in diversis locis apertis, ad 
placitum Domini Eegis, necnon ad exem- 
plum aliorum, nisi aliter placuerit dicto 

Vlth., having then and there been carried on 
after the said 20th. of July for the six weeks 
then next ensuing ; Which said Eobert, 
having been indicted on the 26th. November, 
in the 3rd. year of the aforesaid Lord the 
King that now is, at Westminster, in the 
court of our Lord the King, before Eichard 
Lyster, knight, Chief Justice of the King's 
Bench ; and Edward Mountague, knight, 
Chief Justice of our said Lord the King's 
Court of Common Bench ; and other justices 
and commissioners of our Lord the King, 
assigned to hear and determine the high 
treasons, felonies, murders, and other of- 
fences committed against the same our Lord 
the King, his crown and dignity, was ar- 
raigned on the aforesaid indictment, and 
of the aforesaid high treason expressed in 
the same indictment ; the said Eobert there- 
upon, on the 26th. day of November, having 
been demanded and asked in the aforesaid 
court, before the aforesaid justices, what he 
had to say to the aforesaid indictment, he 
could not gainsay that indictment, but as 
regarded the aforesaid indictment and all 
things therein contained, he, in the aforesaid 
court, in the presence of the aforesaid jus- 
tices, of his own free will, then and there 
confessed that they were true, and that he 
himself was guilty thereof; Thereupon it 
was considered and determined in that court, 
by the aforesaid justices, that the aforesaid 
Eobert Kett, according to the law and cus- 
tom of the realm of England, be drawn to 
the place of execution ; that he there be 
hanged ; that he, while yet alive, be taken 
from the gallows ; that his entrails and 
members be cut off and removed from his 
body, and be burnt in the fire in the pre- 
sence of Eobert himself; and that the head 
and body of the said Eobert Kett be divided 
into five parts, to be placed in various public 
places, according to the King's pleasure, and 



Domino Eegi pardonare vel aliter deter- 
minare pro execueione dicti Eoberti : pos- 
teaquam prsedictus Bobertus Kett videlicet 
primo die Decembris anno regni preedicti 
Domini Begis nunc tertio, a civitate Lon- 
doni usque civitatem Norwici in prsedicto 
comitatu Norff. in prisonam Guyhalde 
preedictas civitatis per mandatum dicti 
Domini Eegis conductus fuit, et a prisona 
ilia per mandatum ipsius Domini Eegis 
septimo die ejusdem mensis Septembris 
(sic) usque ad castrum Norwici tractus, 
tune et ibidem per muros ejusdem castri, 
per prseceptum ipsius dicti Domini Eegis, 
in cathenis virtute judicii prsedicti ut felo 
et proditor Domini Eegis suspensus fuit: 
Et dicunt ulterius Jurati prsedicti, super 
sacramentum suum prasdictum, quod diu 
antetempus perpetracionis altsprodicionis 
prasdictse, quod Johannes Comes Warwik 
prsenobilis ordinis Garterii miles et Do- 
minus Camerarius Anglise, fuit seisitus in 
doininico suo ut de feodo de et in manerio 
de Wyndham cum pertinentiis, de omni- 
bus illis mesuagiis, curtilagiis, boscis, sub- 
boscis,pasturis et gardinis cum pertinentiis 
jacentibus sive existentibus in Wyndham, 
alias Wymondham, in com. preedicto, et 
aliis villis eidem villa adjacentibus nuper 
Hospital, de Burton. Sancti Lazari in com. 
Leic. spectantibus, cum omnibus aliis 
redditibus, perquisicionibus, Curiis let., 
commoditatibus, proficuis, et emoluments 
quibuscunque, eisdem mesuagiis et ceteris 
prsemissis aliquo modo spectantibus sive 
pertinentibus : Et praadictus Comes sic de 
prsemissis seisitus existens, diu ante perpe- 
tracionem prodicionis predict per nomen 
Johannis Dudley pranobilis ordinis Gar- 

also for an example to others ; unless it 
should be the pleasure of the said King to 
pardon, or determine otherwise for the execu- 
tion of the said Eobert : Afterwards the afore- 
said Eobert Kett, viz., on the 1st. day of 
December, in the 3rd. year of the reign of 
the aforesaid our Lord the King that now 
is, was conveyed from the city of London as 
far as to the city of Norwich, in the afore- 
said county of Norfolk, to the prison of the 
Guildhall of the aforesaid city, by the com- 
mand of the said King, and from that prison, 
by the command of the King himself, on the 
7th. day of the same month ' having been 
drawn to Norwich Castle, then and there, 
on the walls of the same castle, by the com- 
mand of our said Lord the King, was hanged 
in chains, by virtue of the aforesaid judg- 
ment, as a murderer and traitor against the 
King : And the aforesaid jurors say further, 
on their aforesaid oath, that for a long while 
before the time of the perpetration of the 
aforesaid high treason, John, Earl of War- 
wick, Knight of the most noble order of the 
Garter, and Lord Chamberlain of England, 
was seised in his demesne, as of fee, of 
and in the manor of Wyndham with the 
appurtenances, of all those messuages, cur- 
tilages, woods, under-woods, pastures, and 
gardens, with their appurtenances, lying or 
being in Wyndham, otherwise Wymondham, 
in the aforesaid county, and in other villages 
adjacent to the same town, lately belonging 
to the Hospital of Burton Lazars, in the 
county of Leicester, with all other reve- 
nues, perquisites, courts leet, commodities, 
profits and emoluments whatsoever, in any 
way belonging or appertaining to the same 
messuages and the other premises : And the 

In the Inquisition it is " same month of September;" but this is clearlv an error: 
it should have been " December." 



terii militis, Vicecomitis Lisle, ac Magni 
Admirall. Anglise, licentia nuper Domini 
nostri Eegis Henrici octavi per literas 
suas patentes prius habitas et obtentas, 
dedit, concessifc, et carta sua confirmavit, 
manerium, mesuagia, terras, tenamenta et 
cetera prsemissa, praefato Eobto Kett per 
nomen Eobti Knyght alias Kett, haben- 
dum et tenendum praedictum mauerium, 
terras, tenamenta, et cetera praemissa, prae- 
fato Eobto Knyght alias Kett pro termino 
vitaj ipsius Eobti, remanere inde post mor- 
tem dicti Eobti, "Willnio Knyght alias 
dicto "VVillrno Kett, tune filio et heredi 
apparent! dicti Eobti, et hered. et assign, 
dicti Willmi, ad opus et usum prsedicti 
Eobti pro termino vitaa suae ; Et post mor- 
tem dicti Eobti, ad opus et usum dicti 
"Willmi hered. et assign, suorum tenen- 
dum do dicto Domino nuper Eege, herede 
et successoribus suis, per servicia quse ad 
manerium, terras, et tenamenta pertinent, 
prout per prsedictam cartam inde Jurato- 
ribus prasdictis super capcionem hujus 
Inquisicionis in evidenc. ostensam, cujus 
dat. est xxvij die Marcij anno regni dicti 
nuper Eegis Henrici octavi tricesimo 
septimo plenius liquet et apparet : cujus 
praetextu dictus Eobtus Kett fuit seisitus 
de manerio prsedicto, et ceteris prasmissis, 
tempore perpetracionis altae prodicionis 
praedictae, et die obitus sui, in dominico 
suo pro termino vitae suse, remanere iude 
post mortem ipsius Eobti prsefato Willmo 
Kett, hered. et assign, suis : Et Jurati 
prasdicti ulterius dicunt, super sacramen- 
tum suum praadictum, quod praofatus Eob- 
tus Kett diu ante perpetracionem altae 
prodicionis praedictae, fuit seisitus in domi- 
nico suo ut de feodo de et in maneriis de 
Meliors Halle, et Lethers alias Letars, 
modo vocato Gunviles Maner, cum suis 
pertinentiis, in Wymondham praedicto et 

aforesaid earl, having been thus seised of the 
praemises a long while before the perpetration 
of the aforesaid treason, by the name of John 
Dudley, Knight of the most noble order of 
the Garter, Viscount Lisle, and High Admi- 
ral of England, by license of the late King 
Henry Vlllth, by his letters patent previously 
had and obtained, gave, granted, and by his 
deed confirmed the manor, messuages, lands, 
tenements, and the other prsemises, to the 
aforesaid Eobert Kett, by the name of 
Eobert Knyght, otherwise Kett ; To Have 
and to hold the aforesaid manor, lands, tene- 
ments, and the other prsemises, to Eobert 
Knyght, otherwise Kett, for the term of 
Eobert's own life, with remainder, after the 
death of the said Eobert, to William Knyght, 
otherwise called William Kett, the then son 
and heir apparent of the said Eobert, and to 
the heirs and assigns of the said William, for 
the use and benefit of the aforesaid Eobert, 
for the term of his life : And after the death 
of the said Eobert, for the use and benefit 
of the said William, his heirs and assigns, 
to hold of the said late King, his heirs and 
successors, by the services which belong to 
the manor, lands, and tenements, as more fully 
appears, and is evident from the aforesaid 
deed, shown in evidence to the aforesaid 
Jurors on the holding of this inquisition ; of 
which deed the date is March 27th., in the 
37th. year of the late King, Henry Vlllth. : 
By pretext of which, the said Eobert Kett 
was seised of the manor aforesaid, and the 
other premises at the time of perpetrating 
the aforesaid high treason and on the day of 
his death, in his demesne for the term of bis 
life, with remainder, after the death of the 
aforesaid Eobert, to William Kett, his heirs 
and assigns : And the aforesaid Jurors fur- 
ther say, on their aforesaid oath, that the 
aforesaid Eobert Kett, for a long while before 
the perpetration of the aforesaid high trea- 



aliis villis eidein villae adjacentibus : Et sic 
inde seisitus existens diu ante tempus 
perpetracionem prodicionis preedictse dedit, 
concessit, et carta sua indentata confirma- 
vifc, medietatem praedictorum maneriorum 
vocatorum Meliora halle et Lethers alias 
Letars modo vocat. Gunviles, per nomen 
medietatis manerii sui de Meliors halle 
et Lethers alias Letars tune vocat. Gun- 
viles Manour, cum suis pertinentiis, in 
Wymondham praedicto, necnon medietatis 
omnium aliorum maneriorum suorum, me- 
auagiorum, terrarum, tenamentorum, pra- 
torurn, pascuorum, pastuarum, boscorum, 
subboscorum, reddituum, serviciorum, Cu- 
riarum letarum, vie. franc., catall., waviat., 
extrahur., escaet., et omnium aliorum bere- 
ditamentorum suorum quoruincunque, 
cum omnibus et singulis suia pertinentiis 
scituatis, jacentibua et existentibus in villa 
et campis de Wymondham praedicto, seu 
alibi in aliqua alia villa et loco infra dic- 
tum com. Norff., quse tune aut antea 
reputabantur, aut aliquo modo accepta- 
bantur, aut cognoscebantur, pro aliqua 
parte vel parcella dictorum maneriorum, 
aut eorum alicujus, quaa prsedictus Eobtus 
habuit sibi et heredibua aui sex dono, con- 
ceaaione, liberacione, feoffamento, et con- 
firmacione Eicardi Gonviles ; Habendum 
et tenendum praedictam medietatem ma- 
neriorum praedictorum et ceterorum prse- 
missorum praefato Eicardo Colyor et 
assignatia suis, ad opus et usum dicti 
Eicardi et assign, suorum pro termino 
vitae suss, sub forma et condicione sequente ; 
videlt. si praedictus Eobtus solvat seu solvi 
faciat aut hered. vel execut. sui aolvant 
vel solvi faciant prsefato Eicardo Colyour 
ducent. libras legalis monetse Angliae cum 
inde requisitus fuerit quod ex tune prseaens 
carta indentata ac seisia praemissorum in 
forma praedicta libat. et capt. vacuaB sint 

son, was seised in his desmene as of fee, of 
and in the manors of Meliors Hall, and 
Lethers, otherwise Letars, then called Gun- 
vile's Manor, with their appurtenances, in 
Wymondham aforesaid, and other villages 
adjacent to the same town : And being thus 
seised thereof a long while before the time 
of the perpetration of the aforesaid treason, 
he gave, granted, and, by his deed indented, 
confirmed the moiety of the aforesaid manors 
called Meliors Hall and Lethers, otherwise 
Letars, now called Gunvile's, under the 
name of the moiety of his manor of Meliors 
Hall and Lethers, otherwise Letars, then 
called Gunvile's Manor, with their appurte- 
nances in Wymondham aforesaid ; also of the 
moiety of all other his manors, messuages, 
lands, tenements, meadows, grazing grounds, 
pasturea, woods, under-woods, rents, services, 
courts leet, views of frank-pledge, chattels, 
waifs, strays, escheats, and all other his 
hereditaments whatever, with all and singular 
their appurtenances, situate, lying, and being 
in the town and fields of Wymondham afore- 
said, or elsewhere in any other town or place 
within the said county of Norfolk, which 
then or previously were reputed, or in any 
way accepted or acknowledged, as part or 
parcel of the said manors, or of any one of 
them, which the aforesaid Eobert held for 
himself and his heirs, by the gift, grant, re- 
lease, feoffment, and confirmation of Eichard 
Gonviles : To have and to hold the afore- 
said moiety of the manors aforesaid and 
the other preemisea aforesaid, to Eichard 
Colyor and his assigns, for the use and 
benefit of the said Eichard and his assigns, for 
the term of his life, under the following form 
and conditions ; viz., If the aforesaid Eobert 
pay or cause to be paid, or his heirs or exe- 
cutors pay or cause to be paid, to the afore- 
said Eichard Colyour two hundred pounds 
lawful money of England upon demand ; that 



nulliusque effectus neque vigoris alioquin 
firma sit et stabilis ad opus et usum dicti 
Ricardi Colyour pro termino vit. suse 
prout per cartatn Indentatam praadicti 
Robti Juratoribus prsedictis super cap- 
cionem hujus Inquisicionis in evidencia 
oatensam cujus dat. esfc sexto die Januarii 
anno regni dicti nuper Regis Henrici 
Octavi tricesimo octavo plenius liquet et 
apparet cujus praetextu praedictus Ricardus 
Colyour fuit et adhuc est seisitus de prae- 
dicta medietate raanerioruui praedictorutn 
et ceterorum praemiasorum iu dominico 
suo pro termino vitse su sub forma et 
condicione praadictia et de revercione dic- 
tae medietatis eidem Eobto Kett et here- 
dibus suis pertinentibus et de alia medie- 
tate maneriorum prsedictorum una cum 
suis pertinentiis vocat. Gunviles idem 
Robtus Kett tempore perpetracionis pro- 
dicionis praedictae et die mortis sui seisitus 
in dominico suo ut de feodo: Et dicunt 
ulterius Jurati prsedicti super sacramen- 
tura suum prsedictum quod praed ictus 
Robtus Knyght alias dictus Robtus Kett 
diu ante perpetracionem prodicionis prae- 
dictse ac tempore quo prsedictus Robertus 
attinctus fuit de alta prodicione praedicta 
ac tempore mortis suaa fuit seisitus in 
dominico suo ut de feodo de et in uno 
mesuagio cum edificiis et gardinis eidem 
mesuagio annexatis quondam duo tene- 
menta contigua quorum unum vocat ur 
Chyllinges et alterum vocatur Tyes quon- 
dam Johannis Braybroke jac. in vico 
vocato Cakwik inter Inclusum nuper 
Abbatis et Conventus monasterii beat 
Marias de "Wymondham vocatum Wigmore 
ex parte austr. ; et Regiam Viam ex parte 
aquilon. Et abutt. super tenementum 
nuper Simonis Sawer et fossatum dictum 
Inclusum vocatum Wigmore versus orient, 
et super tenementum et hortum nuper 


thereupon the present Deed indented, and 
possession of the prsemises, in the form afore- 
said, cease and become void and of none effect 
or force ; but otherwise, be offeree and virtue 
for the use and benefit of the said Richard 
Colyour for the term of his life, as more fully 
appears in and is proved by the said Deed 
indented of the aforesaid Robert, that was 
shown in evidence to the aforesaid Jurors on 
the holding of this Inquisition ; of which Deed 
the date is January 6th, in the 38th. year of 
the late King, Henry VHIth : By pretext of 
which the aforesaid Richard Colyour was, and 
still is, seised of the aforesaid moiety of the 
manors aforesaid, and of the other promises 
in his demesne for the term of his life, under 
the form and condition aforesaid, and of the 
reversion of the said moiety to the same 
Robert Kett and his heirs belonging ; and of 
the other moiety of the manor aforesaid, 
together with its appurtenances, called Gun- 
viles, the same Robert Kett, at the time of 
the perpetration of the high treason afore- 
said, waa seised in his demesne as of fee : 
And further the aforesaid Jurors say on their 
aforesaid oath, that the aforesaid Robert 
Knyght, otherwise called Robert Kett, for a 
long while before the perpetration of the 
aforesaid treason, and at the time when the 
aforesaid Robert was attainted of the high 
treason aforesaid, and at the time of his 
death, was seised in hia demesne, as of fee, 
of and in a messuage, with edifices and gar- 
dens to the same messuage annexed, formerly 
two contiguous tenements, whereof one is 
called Chyllinges and the other is called 
Tyes, formerly belonging to John Braybroke, 
lying in the village called Cakewik, between 
an enclosure lately belonging to the Abbot 
and Convent of the monastery of the Blessed 
Mary at "Wymondham, called Wigmore, on 
the south, and the King's highway, on the 
north ; and abutting on a tenement of the 



Margaret Braybrok et quondam Eicardi 
Dukkelyng versus Occident, ac eciamde et 
in una pecia terras arrabilis jacent. in Wy- 
raondham prasdicto in campo vocato Cake- 
wik Fild apud Marlepitts computata pro 
una acra : Et dicunt ulterius Jurati prae- 
dicti quod praedictum manerium vocat. 
Gunviles cum pertineutiis in Wymondham 
tempore perpetracionis altae prodicionis 
praedictae ac tempore mortis prsedicti 
Eoberti tenebatur et adhuc tenetur de 
manerio de Grishaugh in Wymondham per 
fidelitatem et redditum quatuor solidorum 
et octo denariorum ; et valet clare per 
annum in omnibus exitibus ultra repris. 
tredecim libras sex solidos etocto denarios: 
Et quod praedictum manerium de Wy- 
mondbam nuper Hospital, de Burton 
Sancti Lazari in dicto com. Leic. cum 
pertinentiis in Wymondham et aliis villis 
eidem villas adjacent, tempore perpetra- 
cioois praedictae altae prodicionis ac tem- 
pore mortis prsedicti Eoberti tenebatur et 
adhuc tenetur de Domino Eege in capite 
Et valet per annum ultra repris. quatuor 
libras Et quod praedictum mesuagium cum 
gardinia et edificiis eidem adjacent, cum 
praedicta pecia terras computata pro una 
acra tempore perpetracionis altas prodi- 
cionis praedictae ac tempore mortis prae- 
dicti Eoberti tenebatur et adhuc tenetur 
de praenobilissima Domina Maria sorore 
Domini Eegis nostri praedicti ut de manerio 
suo de Wymondham per fidelitatem et 
redditurn iiij d. q videlt. pro prasdicto 
mesuagio et pecia terrae ij d. q et pro pras- 
dicto gardino ij d. : Et valet per annum 
ultra repris. viginti solidos: Et ulterius 
Jurati praedicti dicunt super sacramentum 
suum quod praedictus Eobertus Kett nulla 

late Simon Sawer, and the ditched-in said 
enclosure called Wigmore, on the east ; and 
on a tenement and orchard of the late Mar- 
garet Braybroke, and formerly Eichard 
Dukkelyng's, towards the west ; and also of 
and in a piece of arable land lying in 
Wymondham aforesaid, in the field called 
" Cakewik Fild, near the Marlepitts," com- 
puted at one acre ; And the aforesaid Jurors 
say further, that the aforesaid manor called 
Gunviles, with the appurtenances, in Wy- 
mondham, at the time of the perpetration of 
the high treason aforesaid, and at the time 
of the death of the aforesaid Eobert, was 
held, and is still held, of the manor of Gris- 
haugh, in Wymondham, by fealty, and a rent 
of 4s. 8d. ; and that the clear annual value in 
all outgoings, beyond reprises, 1 is 13. 6s. Sd. 
And that the aforesaid manor of Wymond- 
ham, lately belonging to the Hospital of 
Burton Lazars, in the said county of Leicester, 
with its appurtenances, in Wymondham and 
other villages adjacent to the same town, at 
the time of the perpetration of the aforesaid 
high treason, and at the time of the death of 
the aforesaid Eobert, was held, and is still 
held, of our Lord the King in capite ; And 
that the annual value of it, beyond reprises, 
is 4 ; And that the aforesaid messuage, with 
gardens and edifices thereunto adjacent, with 
the aforesaid piece of ground, computed at 
one acre, at the time of the perpetration of 
the high treason aforesaid, and at the time of 
the death of the aforesaid Eobert, was held, 
and is still held, of the most noble Lady 
Mary, sister of our Lord the King aforesaid, 
as of her manor of Wymondham, by fealty 
and a rent of 4t\d. ; viz., for the aforesaid 
messuage and piece of ground 2$d., and for 
the aforesaid garden 2d. And the clear 

1 I'.e. "deductions." 



alia sive plura maneria terras tenementa 
sive hereditamenta in possessione rever- 
cione remaner. servicio nee aliter de dicto 
Domino Rege nee de aliquo alio infra com. 
praedictum tempore perpetracionis prodi- 
cionis praedictse nee unquam postea: Et 
Jurati prasdicti ulterius dicunt quod ad 
praasens ignorant qui vel quis persona sive 
persons exitus et proficua prcemissorum 
prsedictorum a tempore perpetracionis 
prodicionis prsedictse usque diem capcionis 
hujus Inquisicionis habuerunt sive per- 

In cujus rei testimonium uni parti 
hujus Inquisicionis penes prsefatos Juratos 
remanenti prsedictus Escaetor sigillum 
suum apposuit; alteri vero parti ejusdem 
Inquisicionis penes prsefatum Escaetorem 
remanenti tarn idem Escaetor quam Jurati 
praadicti sigilla apposuerunt. 

Dat. die anno et loco supradictis. 1 

annual value, beyond reprises, is 20s. And 
the aforesaid Jurors say further on their oath, 
that the aforesaid Eobert Kett held none 
other or more manors, lands, tenements, or 
hereditaments, in possession, reversion, re- 
mainder, service, nor otherwise, of the said 
Lord the King, nor of any other, within the 
county aforesaid, at the time of the perpetra- 
tion of the treason aforesaid, nor ever after ; 
And the aforesaid Jurors say further, that they 
know not who, or what person or persons, 
have had or received the outgoings and profits 
of the aforesaid prsemises from the time of 
the perpetration of the treason aforesaid up 
to the day of the taking of this Inquisition. 
In testimony of which, to one part of this 
Inquisition, that remains in the hands of the 
aforesaid Jurors, the Escheator aforesaid hath 
put his seal ; but to the other part of the 
same Inquisition, that remains in the hands 
of the aforesaid Escheator, as well the saint; 
Escheator as also the Jurors aforesaid have 
put their seals. 

Q-iven the day, year, and place above 

1 Escheats, Virtute Officii, Edward VI. Kb. 43. 

2 H 2 




Rolls Chapel Patent Rolls, 4<th Edward VI. 

Thomas Audeley. Pro Thoma Audeley 
armigero; de conced. sibi et heredibus. 
EEX omnibus ad quos, &c., salutem. 
Sciatis quod nos, in consideracione boni, 
veri, fidelis, et magnanimi servicii per 
dilectum et fidelem servientem nostrum 
Thomam Audeley armigerum in conflictu 
versus innaturales subditos nostros, pro- 
ditores ac nobis rebelles in comitatu 
nostro Norffolciense pro nobis dudum 
habiti et facti, ac in conviccione et sub- 
duccione eorundem multis variisque modis 
praastiti ac impensi ; Quorum quidem 
rebellium et proditorum quidam Bobertus 
Knyght, alias dictus Bobertus Kett, 
extitit captaneus et conductor prseci- 
puus ; de gratia nostra speciali ac ex 
certa scientia et mero motu nostro, necnon 
de avisamento Consilii nostri, dedimus et 
concessimus, ac per prassentes dam us et 
concedimus prsefato Thomae Audeley omnia 
ilia maneria nostra de Meliors hall, et 
Letters hall, alias Leters, modo vocatum 
Gunvile manor, ac totum illud manerium 
nostrum vocatum Gunviles maner, in 
comitatu nostro Norffolciense, cum suis 
juribus, membris, et pertinentiis universis, 
nuper parcellam terrarum, possessionum 
et revencionum dicti Boberti Knyght 
alias dicti Boberti Kett, de alta prodicione 
attincti et convicti dudum existentis : Ac 
omnia et singula mesuagia, tofta, cotagia, 
molendina, domos, edificia, terras, tene- 
menta, prata, pascua, pasturas, redditus, re- 
versiones, servicia, redditus oneris, redditus 
siccos, ac redditus super quibuscumque 
dimissionibus et concessionibus reservatos, 
annuitates, annuales redditus, firmas feo'di, 

Thomas Audeley. For Thomas Audeley, Esq. ; 

grant to himself and heirs. 
THE KING to all to whom, &c., greeting. 
Know ye that we, in consideration of the 
good, true, faithful and magnaminous ser- 
vices, by our beloved and faithful > servant 
Thomas Audeley, Esquire, in the contest 
with our unnatural subjects, traitors to and 
rebels against us, in our county of Norfolk, 
for us lately had and performed ; and in the 
conquering and subduing of the same in 
many and various ways had and performed ; 
Of which rebels and traitors one Eobert 
Knyght, otherwise called Eobert Kett, was 
captain and principal leader ; Of our special 
grace, and of sure knowledge, and of our own 
free will, also with the advice of our Council, 
We have given and granted, and by these 
presents do give and grant, to the aforesaid 
THOMAS ATJDELEY all those our manors of 
Melior's Hall and Lether's Hall, otherwise 
Leters, now called Guuvile Manor, and all 
that our manor called Gunviles Manor, in 
our county of Norfolk, with all their rights, 
members, and appurtenances, lately parcel of 
the lands, possessions, and revenues of the 
said Eobert Knyght, otherwise called Eobert 
Kett, who was lately attainted and convicted 
of high treason: And all and singular the 
messuages, tofts, cottages, mills, houses, edi- 
fices, lands, tenements, meadows, grazing 
grounds, pastures, dues, reversions, services, 
rents of labour, and rents sec, and rents 
reserved on any demises or grants, annuities, 
annual rents, fee-farms, farms, fishponds and 
fisheries, woods, underwoods, furze, heath, 
moors, marshes, commons, ways, void places, 
courts leet, and perquisites and profits of 



iirmas, aquas piscarias, et piscationes, 
boscos, subboscos, jampna, brueras, moras, 
mariscos, cotutiiuniaa, vias, vacua funda, 
curiaa letas, ac curiarum letarum per- 
quisitiones et proficua, visus ffranci plegi 
ac oiuuia qua ad visum ffranci plegi per- 
tinent seu imposterum spectare possint 
aut debent, natives, nativas et villanos, 
cum eorum sequelis, feed, militum, wardas, 
maritagia, esthehetas, relevia, heriettos, 
bona et catalla, waviata, extrahuras, jura, 
libertates, advocationes, jura patronatus, 
proficua, commoditates, emolumeuta, et 
hereditamenta nostra quaacumque, cum 
eorum pertinentiis universis, scituatis, 
jacentibus et existentibus in villa, campis 
et parochia de Wymondham alias dicta 
Wyndham, in dicto comitatu nostro Nor- 
ffolciense, ac alibi ubicumque in eodem 
comitatu Norffolciense, dictis maneriis de 
Melyors hall, et Lethers hall, alias Leters, 
ac dicto manerio vocato G-unvyle Manor, 
seu eorum alicui vel aliquibus quoquomodo 
spectantibus sive pertinentibus, aut ut 
membra, partes, vel parcelte eorundem 
maneriorum, ecu eorum alicujus modo vel 
antehac habita, cognita, accepta, reputata, 
ditnissa, seu locata existentia : Ac etiam 
duo ilia mesuagia et tenementa nostra cum 
pertinentiis vocata Chelynges et Tyes 
modo in unum mesuagium conf'ecta ac 
unum gardinum eidem adjacens ; cum 
eorum pertinentiis universis quondam 
Johannis Graybroke ac nuper parcella 
dictarum terrarum, possessionum, et re- 
vencionum dicti Boberti Knyght alias 
dicti Boberti Kett existentia, scituata, 
jacentia, et existentia in vico vocato Cake- 
wyke, in Wymondham, alias dicto Wynd- 
ham prsedicto, inter inclusum nuper 
Abbatis et Conventus nuper Monasterii 
Beata? Maria? in Wymondham praedicto, 
vocatum Wygmore, ex parte australi, et 

courts leet, views of frank-pledge, and all 
things pertaining, or that hereafter may or 
ought to pertain, to view of frank-pledge, 
bondmen and bondwomen, and villans with 
their sequels, knights' fees, wards, marriage 
rights, escheats, reliefs, heriots, goods and 
chattels, waifs, strays, rights, liberties, call- 
ings, rights of patronage, profits, advantages, 
commodities, and all our hereditaments what- 
soever, with all their appurtenances, situate, 
lying, and being in the town, fields, and 
parish of Wymondham, otherwise called 
Wyndham, in our said county of Norfolk, 
and everywhere else in the same county of 
Norfolk, in the said manors of Melyor's 
Hall, and Lether's, otherwise Leters, Hall, 
and in the said manor called Gunvyle Manor, 
or to any of them in any way belonging or 
appertaining, or as members, parts, or parcels 
of the same manors, or any one of them, 
being now or in time past held, known, ac- 
cepted, reputed, demised, or located : And 
also those our two messuages and tenements, 
with their appurtenances, called Chelynges 
and Tyes, now formed into one messuage, 
and one garden adjacent to the same ; with 
all their appurtenances, formerly belonging 
to John Braybroke, and lately parcel of the 
said lands, possessions, and revenues of the 
said Bobert Knyght, otherwise called Bobert 
Kett, existing, situate, lying, and being in 
the village called Cakewyke, in Wymondham, 
otherwise called Wyndham, aforesaid, between 
an enclosure belonging to the late Abbot 
and Convent of the late monastery of the 
Blessed Mary, in Wymondham aforesaid, 
called Wygmore, on the south, and the 
King's highway on the north ; and abutting 
on the tenement of the late Simon Sawer and 
the ditched-in said enclosure called Wyg- 
more, towards the east ; and on the tenement 
and garden of the late Margaret Braybroke, 
formerly belonging to Richard Duckelyng, 



regiam viam ex parte aquilonari, ac abut- 
tantia super tenementum nuper Simonis 
Sawer et fossatutn dictum inclusum 
vocatum Wygmore versus orientem, et 
super tenementum et hortum nuper Mar- 
garet* Graybroke et quondam Bicardi 
Duckelyng versus occidentem : Necnon 
totamillam peciam terras arrabilis jacentem 
in Wymondham prsedicto, in campo vocato 
Cakewyke felde apud Marlepittes, conti- 
nentem per sestimacionem unam acram ac 
nuper parcellam dictarum possessionum 
et revencionum dicti Eoberti Knyght 
alias Kett existentem : Ac etiain reversi- 
onem et reversiones prsedictorum maneri- 
orum et eorum cujuslibet ac omnium et 
singulorum praedictorum mesuagiorum, 
terrarum, tenementorum et cseterorum 
omnium et singulorum prsernissorum, cum 
eorum pertinentiis universis: Ac omnes 
et singulos redditus, revenciones, et 
cseteras annuales proficuas quascumque 
de, in, vel super quibuscumque dimissio- 
nibus seu concessionibus praemissorum 
aut alicujus inde parcellse factis,reservatas: 
Necnon omnia et singula alia maneria, 
mesuagia, terras, tenementa, redditus, re- 
venciones, servicia et ceetera hereditamenta 
nostra quaecumque cum eorum pertinentiis 
universis in Wymondham praedicto ac 
alibi in dicto comitatu nostro Norffolciense 
seu infra regnum nostrum Angliae dicto 
Eoberto Knyght alias dicto Eoberto Kett, 
spectantibus et pertinentibus, ac parcellam 
possessionum, proficuorum, hereditamen- 
torum, seu revencionum dicti Eoberti Kett 
existentem ; Adeo plene, libere, et integre, 
ac in tarn aniplis modo et forma prout 
dictus Eobertus Knyght alias dictus 
Robertas Kett, aut aliquis alius vel aliqui 
alii prsemissa aut aliquam inde parcellam 
antehac habentes sive possidentes aut 
seisiti inde existentes aliquo tempore 

towards the west : Also, all that piece of 
arable land lying in Wymondham aforesaid, 
in the field called " Cakewyke Felde at the 
Marlepittes," containing by estimation one 
acre, and being lately parcel of the said pos- 
sessions and revenues of the said Eobert 
Knyght, otherwise Kett : And also the rever- 
sion and reversions of the aforesaid manors, 
and every of them, and of all and , singular 
the aforesaid messuages, lands, tenements, 
&c., of all and singular the prsemises, with 
all their appurtenances : And all and sin- 
gular the rents, revenues, and other annual 
profits whatsoever, of, in, or upon what- 
soever demises or grants of the aforesaid, 
or any parcel thereof, made or reserved : 
Also all and singular other manors, mes- 
suages, lands, tenements, rents, revenues, 
services, and all other our hereditaments 
whatsoever, with all their appurtenances, in 
Wymondham aforesaid, and elsewhere in our 
said county of Norfolk, or within our king- 
dom of England, to the said Eobert Knyght, 
otherwise called Eobert Kett, belonging or 
appertaining, and being parcel of the posses- 
sions, profits, hereditaments, or revenues of 
the said Eobert Kett ; As fully, freely, and 
entirely, and in as full manner and form, as 
the said Eobert Knyght, otherwise called 
Eobert Kett, or any other or others in time 
past having or possessing the praemises, or 
any parcel thereof, or being seised thereof at 
any time before the attainder and conviction 
of the said Eobert, had, held, or enjoyed the 
aforesaid manors, messuages, lands, tenements, 
and the other prsemises ; or ought to have 
had, held, or enjoyed them : And as fully, 
freely, and entirely, and in as full manner 
and form as all and singular of them, into our 
hands, by reason and pretext of the attainder 
and conviction of the said Eobert Knyght, 
otherwise called Eobert Kett, or in any other 
way whatsoever, have come or ought to have 



ante attincturam et conviccionem dicti 
Eoberti preedicta maneria,mesuagia, terras, 
tenementa et csetera prsemissa, aut aliquam 
inde parcellam, habuit, tenuit, vel gaviaus 
fuit, habuerunt, tenuerunt, vel gavisi 
fuerunt ; seu habere, teaere, vel gaudere, 
debuit aut debuerunt ; Et adeo plene, 
libere et integre, ac in tarn amplis modo 
et forma prout ea omnia et singula 
ad manus nostras ratione et prastextu 
attincturse et conviccionis dicti Bo- 
berti Knyght, alias dicti Eoberti Kett, 
aut aliter quocumque modo devenerunt 
seu devenire debuerunt, ac in manibus 
nostris jam existunt aut existere debent ; 
Qua? quidem maneria, mesuagia, terra, 
tenementa et praamissa cum pertinentiis 
modo extendunt adclarum annuum valorem 
quadraginta marcarum, habendum, tenen- 
dum et gaudendum prsedicta maneria, 
mesuagia, terras, tenementa, redditus, 
revenciones, servicia, boscos, subboscos, 
curias letas, visum ffranci plegi, ac cetera 
omnia et singula prsemissa cum eorum 
pertinentiis universis prsefato Thomae 
Audeley heredibus suis in perpetuum, ad 
proprium opus et usum ipsius Thomse 
Audeley heredum et assignatorum suorum 
in perpetuum tenendumde nobis, heredibus 
et successoribus nostris in socagio, ut de 
manerio nostro de Cossey in dicto comi- 
tatu nostro Norffolciense, per fidelitatem 
tantum, et non in capite, pro omnibus 
redditibus, serviciis et demaundis quibus- 
cumque proinde nobis, heredibus vel suc- 
cessoribus nostris quoquo modo reddendis, 
solvendis vel faciendis. Damus etiam pro 
consideratione prsedicta ac ex certa scientia 
et mero motu nostro de avisamento prae- 
dicto per prsesentes concedimus prsefato 
Thomae Audeley omnia et singula exitus, 
redditus, revenciones et proficua omnium 
et singulorum prsemissorum et ejuslibet 

come, and are now in our hands, or ought to 
be ; Which manors, messuages, lands, tene- 
ments, and premises, with their appurte- 
nances, now reach the clear annual value of 
forty marks ; To have, hold, and enjoy the 
aforesaid manors, messuages, lauds, tene- 
ments, rents, revenues, services, woods, 
under- woods, courts leet, view of frank-pledge, 
and all and singular other the praemises, with 
all their appurtenances, to Thomas Audeley, 
his heirs, for ever, to the proper use and 
benefit of Thomas Audeley himself, bis heirs 
and assigns for ever, to hold them of us, our 
heirs and successors, in soccage, as of our 
manor of Costessey, in our said county of 
Norfolk, by fealty only, and not in capite, in 
lieu of all rents, services, and demands what- 
soever therefore to us, our heirs and succes- 
sors, in any way to be rendered, paid or done. 
We give also, for the consideration aforesaid, 
and of certain knowledge, and of our own 
free-will, by the advice aforesaid, by these 
presents, We grant to the aforesaid Thomas 
Audeley all and singular the outgoings, rents, 
revenues, and profits of all and singular the 
premises, and of every parcel thereof, from 
the time when the aforesaid manors, mes- 
suages, lands, tenements,and prsemises came, 
or ought to have come, into our hands, up to 
the present time due or accruing due : Also all 
and singular the goods, chattels, as well real 
as personal, implements, debts, and all sums 
of money whatsoever of the aforesaid late 
Eobert Knyght, otherwise Kett, or to the 
same Eobert before his attainder in any way 
due, belonging, or appertaining ; and to us by 
reason or pretext of the attainder and con- 
viction of the same Eobert in any way due, 
belonging, or appertaining, or seised for our 
use, or being in our hands, as well within the 
said county of Norfolk, as elsewhere within 
our realm of England, wherever they may be 
or may be found, to be held by the same 



inde parcellse a tempore quo prsedicta 
maneria, mesuagia, terrse, tenementa, &c. 
prsemissa ad manus nostras devenerunt 
seu devenire debuerunt hucusque prove- 
nientia sive crescentia: Necnon omnia 
et singula bona, catalla, tarn realia quam 
personalia, implementa, debita, et pecuni- 
arum summas quascumque prsedicti nuper 
Eoberti Knyght alias Kett, aut eidem 
Eoberto ante attincturam suam quoquo 
modo debita, spectantia, sive pertineutia ; 
Ac nobis ratione et praetextu attinctura? 
et conviccionis ejusdem Eoberti aliquo 
modo debita, spectantia, sive pertinentia, 
vel ad usum nostrum seisita seu in mani- 
bus nostria existentia tarn infra dictum 
comitatum Norffolciensem quam alibi 
infra regnum nostrum Anglise ubicumque 
sint seu inventa fuerint, habendum eidem 
Thoih89 Audeley ex dono nostro absque 
compoto seu aliquo alio proinde nobis, 
heredibus, vel successoribus nostris aliquo 
modo reddendo, solvendo, vel faciendo! 
Ac etiam volumus pro consideracione prse- 
dicta ac de avisamento praedicto per prse- 
sentes concedimus prssfato Thomm Audeley 
quod habeat et habebit has literas nostras 
patentes sub magno sigillo nostro Anglise 
debito modo factas et sigillatas absque fine 
seu feodo magno vel parvo nobis in hana- 
perio nostro seu alibi ad usum nostrum 
quoquo modo reddendo, solvendo, vel 
faciendo, eo quod expressa mentio, &c. 

In cujus rei Teste Eege apud Westm. 
xviij die Maii [1550]. 

(Per breve de privato sigillo.) 

Thomas Audeley of our gift, without any 
fine, or any other payment therefore to us, 
our heirs and successors, to be returned, 
paid, or made ; And also we will, for the con- 
sideration aforesaid, and by the advice afore- 
said, by these presents, "We grant to the 
aforesaid Thomas Audeley that he have and 
shall have these our Letters Patent, under 
our Great Seal of England, in due form made 
and sealed, without fine or fee, great or small, 
to us, in our Hanaper, or elsewhere for our 
use, in any way to be returned, paid, or done, 
because express mention, &c. 

In testimony whereof witness the King 
at Westminster, May 18th, [1550]. 

By writ of Privy Seal. 





I . 

"WV'K/O- t*t. ^ 






Russell, Frederic William 
Kett's rebellion in 


DATE; J * 1987(